Homeless and Hungry, Gazans Fear a Repeat of 1948 History

Abdallah Abu Samra in front of the tent where he lives in Khan Yunis, southern Gaza, in February (Saher Alghorra for The New York Times) 
Abdallah Abu Samra in front of the tent where he lives in Khan Yunis, southern Gaza, in February (Saher Alghorra for The New York Times) 
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Homeless and Hungry, Gazans Fear a Repeat of 1948 History

Abdallah Abu Samra in front of the tent where he lives in Khan Yunis, southern Gaza, in February (Saher Alghorra for The New York Times) 
Abdallah Abu Samra in front of the tent where he lives in Khan Yunis, southern Gaza, in February (Saher Alghorra for The New York Times) 

The night was warm and lovely as the Abu Samra family gathered outside their home in northern Gaza in September 2023, the smell of mint from the garden filling the air.

As always, the family patriarch recounted how, as a 10-year-old in 1948, he was forced from his village in what is now Israel, one of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians displaced in what they call the Nakba — “the catastrophe.”

The patriarch, Abdallah Abu Samra, had told the story often, each time focusing on different details to ensure his family would remember them. One day, he hoped, they would all return.

Within weeks, that prospect seemed more distant than ever.

Hamas waged its surprise attack on Israel, storming across the border on Oct. 7, killing about 1,200 people — most of them civilians, according to the Israeli government — and seizing about 250 others as hostages. Israel then launched its war in Gaza, killing tens of thousands and leaving generations of Palestinians to experience displacement and hunger, and the fear that they would never see their homes again.

The Abu Samra family and many other Gazans say they have always lived in the shadow of the Nakba. And from the first moments of the war, as Israeli warplanes started dropping bombs and fliers ordering mass evacuations, their worries of another Nakba rose.

Bigger Nakba Now

“We are in a bigger Nakba now,” said Abu Samra, a retired teacher.

Israelis have long objected to the characterization of the 1948 conflict as a catastrophe.

The mass displacement nearly 80 years ago — and the rival narratives about it — are among the most intractable issues in the long conflict between the two sides, with Palestinians and their descendants demanding, and Israel rejecting, the right to return to the land they fled in 1948.

In the current war in Gaza, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government says that because Hamas has burrowed deep into — and under — Gaza’s neighborhoods and infrastructure, residents must leave civilian areas. It has said that its displacement orders are temporary, to get civilians out of harm’s way and mitigate casualties.

The Palestinians haven’t been driven out of Gaza itself. But Israel’s displacement of civilians and destruction of neighborhoods “appears to be a push for a permanent demographic shift in Gaza that is in defiance of international law and is tantamount to ethnic cleansing,” said the UN’s human rights chief, Volker Türk.

Israel is also encouraging what it calls “voluntary” emigration for people to leave Gaza entirely but has not found countries willing to take in large numbers. Human rights experts say that any mass, so-called voluntary emigration would also constitute a kind of ethnic cleansing because conditions in Gaza have become so unlivable that many Gazans will have no real choice but to leave.

Most of Gaza Destroyed

The Abu Samra family, about 20 in all, said they began fleeing on the first day of the war, when Israeli bombs struck so close to their home that the walls shook. It was the start of a cycle of displacements, until they eventually split up to find shelter. Some relatives died in Israeli strikes, the family said. Others fled to neighboring Egypt and now wonder if they will ever return home, or if there will be anything left to return to.

Abu Samra, now 87 and frail, has been stuck in southern Gaza, in a tent of tarps, a curtain and blankets. Once again, he is scared, hungry and separated from most of his family, just as he was as a boy.

“I always think, talk, and dream” of going home, he said.

For a brief window this year, a cease-fire allowed some Gazans to go back to their neighborhoods. Many found only rubble. Nearly 80 percent of buildings have been damaged or destroyed, with more being cleared as Israel now expands its military campaign. The World Bank estimated that it could take 80 years to rebuild the homes that have been destroyed.

“With the news and what is happening, we are losing hope that we’ll ever be able to return,” said Ghada Abu Samra, 25, Abu Samra’s granddaughter, who managed to flee to Egypt.

For many Palestinians, the Nakba is not only a traumatic memory but also a matter of identity. About 1.7 million of the 2.2 million people in Gaza are either refugees from the war surrounding the establishment of Israel in 1948 or their descendants, according to the UN.

Gaza Nakba 2023

The key to a house, often called the key of return, is such a powerful symbol for Palestinians that many families hold onto theirs, even for homes inside Israel that no longer exist.

In the current war in Gaza, incendiary comments by Israeli leaders raised Palestinian fears that history was about to repeat itself.

“We are now rolling out the Gaza Nakba,” the Israeli agriculture minister, Avi Dichter, said a few weeks into the war. “Gaza Nakba 2023.”

Israel says it opened humanitarian corridors to allow people to find safety, and that it communicated its evacuation orders in fliers, text messages and phone calls.

Human rights groups counter that the war has rendered so much of Gaza uninhabitable that it is leading to permanent displacement, a potential war crime.

Some, like Human Rights Watch, call the displacement an intentional part of Israeli policy that amounts to a crime against humanity.

Israel has rejected the accusations as deliberate misrepresentations.

Key Is Most Important Thing

In January, when Israel and Hamas struck a brief cease-fire deal, members of the Abu Samra family cried tears of joy, thinking it might offer a chance to go back home.

They had grown up on Abu Samra’s stories of displacement in 1948, and before the current war, some had even felt a twinge of resentment at the older generation for leaving what is now Israel and winding up in Gaza.

Abu Samra had spent his early childhood living off about 100 acres his father owned in the farming village of Iraq Suwaydan — about 15 miles north of the present-day Gaza border — harvesting grains and picking figs.

In 1948, Abu Samra said that he and an older brother had gone to the edge of the village to grind wheat, when hundreds of residents, including his family, suddenly had to flee. He and his brother walked east while their family walked south.

People left with very few belongings — some clothes, blankets and a bit of food — believing they would return within days, he said.

“The most important thing is the key to the house,” he recalled. “Everyone locked their door and took the key in the hopes that they would be gone only a short period.”

Days turned into weeks, then into long, hungry months. Finally, in 1949, Abu Samra and his brother reunited with their family in a refugee camp in Gaza.

That was the story he recounted on that September night in 2023, as he had so many nights before.

“I wanted to plant in the minds of my descendants who didn’t live the Nakba,” he explained.

 

The New York Times

 



Syria Tightens Grip After Kurdish Pullback, Says ISIS Prisoners Escape

 A member of Syrian military police stands guard near Raqqa prison, after the army took control of the city of Raqqa, Syria January 19, 2026. (Reuters)
A member of Syrian military police stands guard near Raqqa prison, after the army took control of the city of Raqqa, Syria January 19, 2026. (Reuters)
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Syria Tightens Grip After Kurdish Pullback, Says ISIS Prisoners Escape

 A member of Syrian military police stands guard near Raqqa prison, after the army took control of the city of Raqqa, Syria January 19, 2026. (Reuters)
A member of Syrian military police stands guard near Raqqa prison, after the army took control of the city of Raqqa, Syria January 19, 2026. (Reuters)

Syrian government troops tightened their grip on Monday across a swathe of northern and eastern territory after it was abruptly abandoned by Kurdish forces in a dramatic shift that has consolidated President Ahmed al-Sharaa's rule. 

A day after the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), once the main US ally in Syria, agreed to quit large areas under a ceasefire, the Syrian army said "a number of" ISIS militants had escaped a prison that had been under SDF control in the eastern city of Shaddadi, accusing the SDF of releasing them. 

The SDF said it had lost control of the prison following an attack by government fighters. The Syrian army denied attacking the jail and said its forces would work to secure the prison and re-arrest the escapees. 

The SDF said Shaddadi prison had held thousands of militants. The army did not say how many ISIS detainees had fled. 

The SDF withdrawals mark the biggest change in Syria's control map since fighters led by Sharaa toppled President Bashar al-Assad in 2024, tilting the power balance Sharaa's way after months of deadlock in talks with the SDF over government demands its forces merge fully with Damascus.  

After days ‌of fighting with ‌government forces, the SDF agreed on Sunday to withdraw from both Raqqa and Deir al-Zor - two Arab-majority ‌provinces ⁠they had controlled for ‌years and the location of Syria's main oil fields. 

GOVERNMENT TROOPS DEPLOY AT OILFIELD, IN RAQQA 

Türkiye, which has repeatedly sent forces into northern Syria to curb Kurdish power since 2016, welcomed the deal signed by its ally Sharaa and SDF commander Mazloum Abdi. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan urged the swift implementation of the agreement that requires the full integration of Kurdish fighters into Syria's armed forces. 

The SDF, spearheaded by the Kurdish YPG militia, had established control of a quarter or more of Syria during the 2011-2024 civil war, whilst fighting with the support of US troops against ISIS. The United States, which has since established close ties with Sharaa under President Donald Trump, has been closely involved in mediation between the sides. 

The SDF media office said in a statement that the prison at Shaddadi - one of ⁠three under its control in the Hasakah region - had come under repeated attack by "Damascus factions", and that dozens of SDF fighters were killed or wounded defending it. 

The statement added that the ‌US-led coalition against ISIS had not intervened despite repeated appeals to a nearby coalition base. The ‍US military's Central Command did not immediately respond to an emailed ‍request for comment. 

In its denial of the SDF account, the Syrian Ministry of Defense said army forces had bypassed Shaddadi, in line with deployment ‍plans, and offered aid to SDF forces inside. The Syrian army announced it had established control over the city of Shaddadi and the prison. 

The Syrian Defense Ministry also denied an SDF account of clashes between government and SDF forces near a jail in Raqqa, which the SDF said was holding ISIS inmates. It said the army had arrived "at the vicinity of al-Aqtan prison ... and began securing it and its surroundings despite the presence of SDF forces inside". 

The SDF said nine of its fighters were killed and 20 wounded in clashes around al-Aqtan. 

Hasakah province, which largely remains under SDF control, is home to the Kurdish-majority city of Qamishli, the main prisons holding ISIS detainees, and a camp holding thousands of IS-linked prisoners. 

GOVERNMENT FORCES DEPLOY 

Reuters journalists saw ⁠government forces deployed in the city of Raqqa that the SDF had captured from ISIS in 2017, and at oil and gas facilities in the eastern province of Deir Ezzor - both areas the Kurdish forces had held for years. 

It follows the withdrawal of Kurdish forces from districts of Aleppo city they had controlled for years after fighting there earlier this month. 

The 14-point deal published by Syria's presidency showed Abdi's signature alongside Sharaa's. 

It stipulates that the prisons, along with all border crossings and oil and gas fields, would be handed to government control - steps the SDF had long resisted. 

The timing of the handover of the prisons and camps was not announced. 

Abdi, the SDF commander, confirmed on Sunday that the SDF had agreed to withdraw from Deir Ezzor and Raqqa provinces. 

Abdi said he is set to meet Sharaa in Damascus on Monday and would share the details of the agreement with the public after his return to SDF-held territory, Kurdish media reported. 

The deal says that all SDF forces will be merged into the defense and interior ministries as "individuals" and not as units, as the SDF had sought. 

It commits the SDF to expel all non-Syrian figures affiliated to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), a Kurdish militant group which fought a decades-long insurgency in Türkiye. 

Senior figures ‌from Erdogan’s ruling AK Party said this removed a major obstacle to Türkiye’s peace process with PKK militants. 


Syria Deal Could Remove Main Obstacle to Türkiye -PKK Peace, Turkish Officials Say

A crossing at the Syrian-Turkish borders. (AFP)
A crossing at the Syrian-Turkish borders. (AFP)
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Syria Deal Could Remove Main Obstacle to Türkiye -PKK Peace, Turkish Officials Say

A crossing at the Syrian-Turkish borders. (AFP)
A crossing at the Syrian-Turkish borders. (AFP)

A deal under which Kurdish forces abandoned long-held ​territory in Syria to the Syrian government could pave the way for Türkiye to advance its stalled effort to end its decades-long conflict with the PKK, Turkish politicians and officials said on Monday.

After days of fighting, the Syrian government and the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) agreed on Sunday to bring Kurdish authorities under the control of Damascus. By Monday, SDF fighters had pulled out of swathes of territory which were now under control of the Syrian military.

Neighbour Türkiye has long considered the SDF ‌in Syria ‌to be an offshoot of the banned PKK, or ‌Kurdistan ⁠Workers ​Party, which decided ‌in May last year to disarm, disband and end its decades-long war against the Turkish state.

Turkish officials have long said that as long as the SDF controlled a swathe of territory across the border, it was difficult to end the war with the PKK. But now, with the SDF pulling out of two Syrian provinces, Turkish leaders see progress resuming.

 

EFFORTS TO DERAIL PEACE THWARTED, ERDOGAN'S PARTY SAYS

 

Omer Celik, spokesman for President Tayyip Erdogan's ruling ⁠AK Party, said Syrian government forces' recent advances had "thwarted" efforts by Kurdish groups to derail Türkiye's peace process.

Feti ‌Yildiz, a deputy leader of the government-allied Turkish nationalist MHP ‍party, said Sunday's agreement in Syria would ‍have "a favorable impact".

"Things will become easier," Yildiz told reporters in the Turkish parliament ‍when asked how the Syrian deal affects the PKK process. "It had been standing like an obstacle, and for now it looks as though that obstacle has been removed."

The PKK itself had yet to comment on the SDF's withdrawal as of Monday afternoon. Türkiye 's pro-Kurdish DEM ​Party, which has previously criticized the Syrian offensive against Kurdish forces, has also not yet reacted.

Turkish security sources, speaking to Reuters on condition of anonymity, ⁠called the deal a historic turning point and said stability in Syria was vital to Ankara's goal of eradicating terrorism in Türkiye, where the PKK has fought an insurgency since 1984 in which more than 40,000 people have been killed.

Though the PKK symbolically burned weapons in July, the peace process has since shown little sign of progress: a months-long parliamentary commission has so far revealed no details on legal or reform measures.

Joshua Landis, director of the Center for Middle East Studies at the University of Oklahoma, said the deal ended the Kurdish hope of retaining a large measure of autonomy and would benefit Turkey.

"Erdogan is undoubtedly rejoicing at the news, which will greatly weaken the PKK and ‌any lingering Kurdish aspiration for an independent Kurdistan. Syria will become stronger economically and militarily, and Türkiye will profit from this," Landis said on X.

 

 

 

 

 


Yemen Humanitarian Crisis to Worsen in 2026 amid Funding Cuts, Says UN

Children wait for lunch at their hut in Sanaa, Yemen August 29, 2022 (Reuters)
Children wait for lunch at their hut in Sanaa, Yemen August 29, 2022 (Reuters)
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Yemen Humanitarian Crisis to Worsen in 2026 amid Funding Cuts, Says UN

Children wait for lunch at their hut in Sanaa, Yemen August 29, 2022 (Reuters)
Children wait for lunch at their hut in Sanaa, Yemen August 29, 2022 (Reuters)

The UN warned on Monday that the humanitarian situation in Yemen is worsening and that gains made to tackle malnutrition ​and health would go into reverse due to funding cuts.

"The context is very concerning... We are expecting things to be much worse in 2026," Julien Harneis, UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Yemen, told reporters in Geneva.

Some 21 million people will need humanitarian assistance this year, an increase from ‌19.5 million the ‌previous year, according to the ‌UN. ⁠The ​situation ‌has been aggravated by economic collapse and disruption of essential services including health and education, and political uncertainty, Harneis said.

The US slashed its ⁠aid spending this year, and leading Western donors also pared back help ‌as they pivoted to raise defense ‍spending, triggering a funding ‍crunch for the UN.

Yemen has been the ‍focus of one of the world's largest humanitarian operations in a decade of civil war that disrupted food supplies.

"Children are dying and it's ⁠going to get worse," Harneis said. Food insecurity is projected to worsen across the country, with higher rates of malnutrition anticipated, he stated.

"For 10 years, the UN and humanitarian organizations were able to improve mortality and improve morbidity...this year, that's not going to be the case."

He said Yemen’s humanitarian crisis threatened the region with diseases like measles and polio that could cross borders.

In 2025 680 million dollars was afforded to ‌the UN in Yemen, about 28% of the intended target, Harneis said.