Damascus, Kurdish SDF Caught Between US Pressure and Stalled Roadmap

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa signed a deal in Damascus last March with SDF commander Mazloum Abdi on integrating the force into state institutions (AP)
Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa signed a deal in Damascus last March with SDF commander Mazloum Abdi on integrating the force into state institutions (AP)
TT

Damascus, Kurdish SDF Caught Between US Pressure and Stalled Roadmap

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa signed a deal in Damascus last March with SDF commander Mazloum Abdi on integrating the force into state institutions (AP)
Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa signed a deal in Damascus last March with SDF commander Mazloum Abdi on integrating the force into state institutions (AP)

Diplomatic activity intensified in the Syrian capital in recent hours, centering on a high-level meeting between President Ahmed al-Sharaa and delegations from the Kurdish-led Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) and the United States, represented by Special Envoy to Syria Tom Barrack and US Central Command (CENTCOM) Commander Admiral Brad Cooper.

According to multiple sources, the talks focused on implementing the March 10 Agreement signed between the Syrian government and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), amid US pressure to accelerate the process before the end of the year.

The meetings — attended by Syria’s ministers of foreign affairs and defense and the head of the General Intelligence Directorate — covered several issues, including the ceasefire in the north announced after talks between Maj. Gen. Murhaf Abu Qasra, Syria’s defense minister, and Mazloum Abdi, the SDF’s top commander.

Discussions also addressed security and administrative arrangements, the sharing of oil revenues, and the future of decentralization in SDF-held areas.

The March 10 Agreement is viewed as the main political framework regulating ties between Damascus and the SDF, but implementation has been partial.

Sinam Mohamad, the Syrian Democratic Council’s representative in Washington, told Asharq Al-Awsat that joint committees “have made little progress,” noting that issues such as the return and protection of displaced residents “remain unresolved due to a lack of guarantees and continued coercive practices by Syrian security-affiliated groups.”

By contrast, Ayman Abdel Nour, a Syrian-American political analyst and media figure, said the slow implementation reflects “confusion in the US vision” more than local field obstacles.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that envoy Barrack “failed to strike a balance between supporting the Autonomous Administration and safeguarding Damascus’s interests,” and that his latest visit “was an attempt to rescue the agreement before US support ceases entirely.”

US Frustration Growing

James Jeffrey, the former US Secretary’s Special Representative for Syria Engagement under President Donald Trump, wrote that the roadmap negotiated between Damascus and the SDF “has yet to be implemented,” adding that Washington is increasingly frustrated by both sides’ delays.

In a commentary published by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Jeffrey said the temporary halt to the US troop withdrawal was driven by concerns over a potential collapse of Syria’s fragile stability.

He added that the visits by Barrack and Cooper were part of an effort “to help break this impasse,” reflecting at the same time genuine American concern over losing diplomatic momentum in a file vital to regional peace.

Integration... the Toughest Hurdle

Leaks from the Damascus meeting indicated that the most sensitive issue discussed was the integration of military and security institutions between the Syrian army and SDF formations.

Sinam Mohamad said this “cannot be resolved through quick decisions,” stressing that the SDF “includes women’s units and diverse local components that are part of the region’s identity.”

She added: “We want to be part of a national Syrian army, but based on clear guarantees and respect for the distinct character of our areas.”

Abdel Nour noted that Damascus sees integration as “the easiest step,” with President al-Sharaa viewing it as a confidence-building measure. But the SDF insists on addressing civil and economic files first.

“The disagreement reflects the deep mistrust between both sides,” he said, as Damascus views any delay as a threat to sovereignty, while the Kurdish administration fears losing its organizational and security autonomy.

Commenting on the integration of the northeast into Syria, Jeffery wrote: “Ultimately, the future welfare (and wealth) of the Syrian nation and its people greatly depend on peacefully integrating the northeast.”

“To jumpstart this process, the Kurds should go first, taking the right combination of confidence-building steps so that Damascus can feel assured about responding with similar moves.”

Jeffery also wrote that “for now, the Kurds mainly need to acknowledge the central government’s sovereignty over all of Syria,” and that “Damascus has to show restraint toward minorities and at least meet minimum international standards in considering legitimate requests, including from the Kurds.”

Decentralization and the Return of the Displaced

Decentralization and the return of displaced people formed another key focus of the talks. Mohamad stressed that a solution “must be political, based on a decentralized system that allows all Syrian components to participate in national decision-making.”

She added that the lack of security guarantees in areas such as Sheikh Maqsoud and Sweida “makes it impossible to discuss disarmament or the reintegration of local administrations,” rejecting any calls for partition.

Abdel Nour said the debate over decentralization “remains suspended between US ambitions for a gradual settlement and Damascus’s fear of losing central control.” Washington, he added, “wants to preserve Syria’s unified state structure but knows the current system cannot survive without genuine structural reforms.”

Jeffrey argued that Syria’s unity is a prerequisite “for Syria to become a full member of the international community,” warning that ongoing delays in political and administrative reforms will keep the country divided and vulnerable to regional interference.

“The main preoccupation for Syrian officials seeking to promote unity and stability is the Kurdish-controlled northeast, home to most of the country’s hydrocarbons, much of its arable land, and more than 10 percent of its population, including a mix of Kurds, Arabs, and other groups,” wrote Jeffery.

He also highlighted Türkiye’s stance as the most sensitive external factor, saying Ankara is watching the agreement’s implementation with growing concern and sees continued SDF armament as a direct threat to its national security.

“This patience could wear thin at any point,” wrote Jeffery.

US Role and Waning Influence

The diplomatic push in Damascus coincided with signs of a shrinking US footprint in the Syrian file. Sources close to the talks said Washington informed both parties that its political and military mission “will conclude by year-end.”

Abdel Nour said this message “reflects President Trump’s desire to close the Syrian file as part of a broader regional peace plan rooted in expanding the Abraham Accords.” But, he added, “Envoy Barrack has failed to translate that vision on the ground or make breakthroughs in sensitive issues such as relations with Israel and oil revenue sharing.”

For her part, Mohamad said Washington “remains more interested in preventing escalation than imposing political solutions,” arguing that “the US priority is to keep frontlines quiet ahead of any future settlements.”

The withdrawal decision risks ceding American influence in Syria to Russia and Iran, stressing that pulling out before securing a settlement between Damascus and the SDF would plunge the country back into fragile chaos.

Jeffery wrote that “Washington should press the Kurds to take the following confidence-building steps as soon as possible:

Remove non-Syrian forces from the northeast, mainly PKK members serving as administrative or military personnel.

Formalize in writing the current informal arrangements with Damascus on oil deliveries from the northeast.

Turn over international border crossings to the central government, with arrangements to allow the unimpeded flow of US military supplies.

Accelerate negotiations on handing the largely Arab province of Deir al-Zour to Damascus.”

He then pointed to Washington, in return, having to “encourage Damascus to take immediate steps to alleviate Kurdish and international concerns, focusing on measures related to education, security, and inclusive governance (though future negotiations will address many of these issues more thoroughly).”

Despite announcements that consultations will continue in the coming weeks, Abdel Nour said envoy Barrack “faces a web of conflicting interests that could derail his mission,” citing his contradictory statements alternating between calls for Syrian unity and a confederal model.

He believes Barrack’s mission “may end soon,” coinciding with the expected departure of UN Special Envoy Geir Pedersen in mid-November, with no successor likely to be appointed “given the disappearance of the conditions that justified his post following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime.”



Sharaa: Syria Seeks to Stop Lebanon War, Not Join It

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (SANA)
Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (SANA)
TT

Sharaa: Syria Seeks to Stop Lebanon War, Not Join It

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (SANA)
Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (SANA)

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa has moved to quell renewed speculation that Syria could become involved in the war in Lebanon, saying reports that Damascus intends to intervene militarily are “mere rumors.”

Sharaa said Syria’s position at this stage was based on “seeking to stop the war in Lebanon, not becoming involved in it.”

His remarks came during a meeting with a delegation from the Damascus countryside. He said demarcating the Syrian-Lebanese border was “not currently a priority” given more urgent files, foremost among them the case of about 1.4 million displaced Syrians in Lebanon and efforts to find a suitable mechanism to ensure their return.

US President Donald Trump had recently reaffirmed Washington’s goal of delivering a strong blow to Hezbollah. According to him, Israel has done what is necessary in the south, but there is still much left to eliminate Hezbollah. He then hinted at possibly having to ask Syria’s involvement.

Trump’s remarks prompted a wave of interpretations, amid reports of a possible visit by Sharaa to Washington. The Syrian presidency denied those reports.

Sources in Damascus told Asharq Al-Awsat that the US remarks were “a form of reshuffling the cards” and fell within “the framework of negotiating statements and sending messages to Iran.”

The sources said, “So far, there has been no official US request to Damascus related to any form of Syrian military intervention in Lebanon.” They said Tom Barrack, Trump’s envoy to Syria and Iraq and Washington’s ambassador in Ankara, had previously asked Damascus “to take a clear, explicit and serious position against Hezbollah.”

The sources said Damascus believes it already has such a position, reflected in border control, cutting smuggling routes and high-level coordination with the Lebanese government.

They added that “entering the quagmire of war and sending military forces unilaterally is completely ruled out,” and that it was “very, very early” to discuss the possibility of Syrian forces entering Lebanon in support of the Lebanese army.

Brigadier General Hassan Abdul Ghani, commander of the Border Guard Forces in the Syrian Arab Army, met last Thursday with a Lebanese army delegation headed by liaison official Brigadier General Michel Boutros, in the presence of several officers.

The talks focused on issues of mutual concern, mainly “enhancing cooperation and coordination between the two sides in border control and combating smuggling activities, in a way that contributes to strengthening border security between the two countries.”

At the same time, Syria’s Interior Ministry said “Lebanon is a sovereign state and not a backyard, as the former regime viewed it,” stressing that “coordination with Lebanon is the basic pillar for any assistance Syria provides to Lebanon.”

Sharaa had expressed Syria’s readiness to provide Lebanon with whatever support and assistance it can, within available capabilities and circumstances, when he received former Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati in Damascus on the ninth of this month.

Media reports said Sharaa told Mikati that “Lebanon’s stability and security constitute a direct Syrian interest,” and that Damascus was keen to build the best relations with the Lebanese state on the basis of mutual respect, good neighborliness and non-interference in internal affairs.

The meeting between Sharaa and Mikati, which lasted for hours, discussed the state of bilateral relations between Damascus and Beirut and prospects for developing them in the next stage, along with several economic and investment files of mutual interest, in light of the transformations taking place in the region.

 

 

 

 


Palestinian, Israeli Civil Society Groups Meet in France as Two-State Hopes Dim

European Union foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas speaks during a conference with Palestinian and Israeli civil society groups supporting a two-state solution in Paris, France, 12 June 2026. (EPA)
European Union foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas speaks during a conference with Palestinian and Israeli civil society groups supporting a two-state solution in Paris, France, 12 June 2026. (EPA)
TT

Palestinian, Israeli Civil Society Groups Meet in France as Two-State Hopes Dim

European Union foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas speaks during a conference with Palestinian and Israeli civil society groups supporting a two-state solution in Paris, France, 12 June 2026. (EPA)
European Union foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas speaks during a conference with Palestinian and Israeli civil society groups supporting a two-state solution in Paris, France, 12 June 2026. (EPA)

Palestinian and Israeli civil society groups delivered an appeal in France on Friday to urge the international community not to abandon a two-state solution, as Paris seeks to keep the issue alive amid the Middle East war.

The meeting brought together foreign ministers and senior officials from dozens of countries alongside civil society groups. It marks one year since the UN-backed New York Declaration, which set out a roadmap toward Palestinian statehood and prompted around a dozen countries, including France, Britain and Canada, to recognize ‌a Palestinian state.

"We ‌could find every reason in the world to give up. ‌But ⁠you are here! Your ⁠testimonies alone are grounds for hope and action," France's Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot told 250 civil society representatives from both sides.

"France refuses to let the side of war prevail over the side of peace."

The gathering ended with an eight-point “Call for Action” urging a permanent ceasefire, a halt to settlements, Gaza reconstruction, governance reforms and stronger international backing for civil society.

It will be delivered to the G7 leaders who meet in the French Alps from Monday.

"The region continues to fracture. Gaza is devastated, Israel remains ⁠under threat. Settler terrorism, settlement expansion, and de facto annexation and ‌threats to the Palestinian Authority continue to undermine the viability ‌of a future Palestinian state," according to the action plan.

"Israelis and Palestinians alike remain trapped in fear, insecurity, ‌and trauma. We return because, as the G7 convenes in Evian, this conflict risks once ‌again being set aside. The window for a solution remains open; but it is narrowing."

ANGER IN WEST OVER SETTLER VIOLENCE

The conference comes amid escalating violence by Israeli settlers in the occupied West Bank and underscores anger in many Western countries toward Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, which has expanded settlements.

Diplomats say ‌that expansion is aimed at undermining prospects for a Palestinian state.

A key concern is Israel’s plan to build a settlement east of Jerusalem, ⁠known as the E1 ⁠project, which would bisect the West Bank and cut it off from East Jerusalem, fragmenting territory Palestinians seek for an independent state.

"The two-state solution remains the only viable path to bringing lasting peace to the Middle East," European Union foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas said. "The situation in the West Bank is equally alarming. Illegal Israeli settlements continue to expand at an unprecedented pace, and settler violence is increasing without sufficient accountability."

Britain, Canada, France and Norway announced new coordinated sanctions on Tuesday against Israeli networks involved in financing, enabling and carrying out violence in the Israeli-occupied West Bank.

Israel and the United States declined to attend the meeting in Paris.

"The ambassador was invited but will not attend the conference, as it has nothing to do with promoting peace," the Israeli embassy said in a statement.

"France cannot act as a mediator between Israel and the Palestinians. Regarding the two-state solution, the ambassador recalls that the Palestinians have rejected proposals to establish a Palestinian state on five occasions."


Arab Push Seeks Lebanon Ceasefire Arrangements

From a session of bilateral negotiations between Lebanon and Israel, held under US sponsorship at the US State Department. (AFP)
From a session of bilateral negotiations between Lebanon and Israel, held under US sponsorship at the US State Department. (AFP)
TT

Arab Push Seeks Lebanon Ceasefire Arrangements

From a session of bilateral negotiations between Lebanon and Israel, held under US sponsorship at the US State Department. (AFP)
From a session of bilateral negotiations between Lebanon and Israel, held under US sponsorship at the US State Department. (AFP)

An Arab diplomatic push is moving alongside talks involving Pakistan to increase pressure for a ceasefire agreement in Lebanon, after the country was pulled into a wider contest between Iran and the United States on one side, and Israel and Hezbollah on the other, Lebanese sources told Asharq Al-Awsat.

The phased effort would begin with enforcing a ceasefire, followed by a plan to carry out subsequent steps, the sources said.

Details of the Iranian-US understanding have yet to be announced, including whether Lebanon is included and under what formula.

But Israeli leaks offered no sign of calm on the Lebanese front.

Israel’s Channel 14 quoted an Israeli source as saying “the situation in Lebanon will remain as it is,” adding that Israel would “retain freedom of action against any threat inside Lebanese territory.”

The source said: “Iran’s attempts to link the arenas have failed.”

Lebanese sources, however, do not see the two files as separate in practice, even as Lebanon pursues an independent track through bilateral negotiations with Israel in Washington and prepares for a new round of talks.

Any US-Iranian understanding “will inevitably reflect on the Lebanese file, and we hope it will,” the sources said. The two sides concerned, they added, “can impose arrangements” through pressure from Washington on Tel Aviv and from Tehran on Hezbollah.

Supporting the Arab push

As the outcome of the Iranian-US talks takes shape, another factor has entered the Lebanese scene: an Arab effort to prepare the ground for any shift in those negotiations.

Lebanese sources following international contacts said a friendly Arab push on Lebanon’s behalf had gained momentum over the past two days and was working to shape a position that could support the negotiations.

Such a position, the sources said, “would pave the way for a tripartite meeting” between President Joseph Aoun, Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam “to assess the situation and proceed with a plan that begins with implementing a ceasefire and carrying out the post-ceasefire phase.”

The effort is moving on several tracks, the sources said. It begins with enforcing a ceasefire, then moves to further steps: withdrawals by both sides, with the Israeli army pulling out of occupied territory and Hezbollah withdrawing its fighters; deployment of the Lebanese army; and the handover of Hezbollah’s weapons.

The process would be backed by international guarantees to prevent renewed fighting, allowing residents to return and restore stability in the south.

A helpful domestic development also emerged over the past week, with renewed contact between Aoun and Berri. The speaker is handling internal talks with Hezbollah.

Israel’s “intransigence” and Hezbollah’s insistence

Despite the regional and international moves, Lebanon is pressing ahead with its Washington negotiating track with Israel in pursuit of a ceasefire, a goal on which the Lebanese president has insisted.

Sessions are scheduled for June 22, 23 and 24, Lebanese ministerial sources told Asharq Al-Awsat. The first meeting will be military-diplomatic, the second day will be limited to military talks, and the third will be devoted to diplomacy.

So far, however, all initiatives have collided with Israeli “intransigence” and Hezbollah’s insistence on continuing the fight.

Israel has not provided answers to Lebanese demands in previous sessions, the sources said. At the latest session, Lebanon’s ambassador threatened to leave before US Secretary of State Marco Rubio intervened, the Lebanese presidency said last week.

The Israeli side “is intransigent and has not offered anything that would move the negotiations forward,” the sources said, citing its insistence on linking any step, including a ceasefire or a model zone, to Hezbollah’s prior disarmament.

Hezbollah, for its part, has told mediators it will not give answers before a full and comprehensive ceasefire across Lebanese territory. It has also halted contact with Aoun.

Caught between those positions, Lebanon has received US support for shielding Beirut and its southern suburbs from bombardment, but not enough pressure to secure a ceasefire in the south, the sources said.

The Israeli side “has enough freedom of movement in the south to continue bombardment and fighting,” they added, describing a reality in which some areas, namely the south, appear designated for combat while others remain spared.

The model zone

The previous negotiating session proposed a “pilot zone” for a model weapons-free area from which both sides would withdraw.

But the proposal never got a real chance to succeed before a practical implementation plan became clear. Hezbollah and Israel both rejected it, according to the sources.

The plan also carries risks for the Lebanese army if implemented without a ceasefire. It would leave troops unable to move safely between combat zones and amid incoming fire, placing soldiers directly in danger.

Awaiting Hezbollah’s answers

Against this deadlock, Lebanon is watching the Iranian-US talks and their possible impact at home.

Sources following the domestic push said, “Hezbollah’s margin for maneuver is narrowing,” and that the group must now provide answers on whether it will withdraw from the proposed model zones and whether it will hand over its weapons under any initiative.

It remains unclear whether, if Hezbollah agrees, it would provide such guarantees to the Lebanese state or to the Iranian negotiator.

“If it rejects both points, it must also provide an alternative to stop the war,” the sources said.

Hezbollah’s parliamentary bloc, Loyalty to the Resistance, on Friday condemned “the latest round of direct negotiations” and renewed its rejection “in full and in detail of all the unjust outcomes of the meeting, which imposed unilateral obligations on Lebanon.”

The bloc said it rejected “the conditions and dictates put forward by the enemy and adopted by the Lebanese negotiating delegation, despite the commitments containing no reference to what the enemy should commit to in terms of halting hostile operations, withdrawing from our land, the return of the displaced and reconstruction, which constitute national priorities and constants that the political authority should not overlook.”