Aoun, Hezbollah Ties Cool as Contacts Stay at Minimum

Supporters of Hezbollah hold portraits of its general secretaries on the first anniversary of the assassination of Hassan Nasrallah. (Reuters file)
Supporters of Hezbollah hold portraits of its general secretaries on the first anniversary of the assassination of Hassan Nasrallah. (Reuters file)
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Aoun, Hezbollah Ties Cool as Contacts Stay at Minimum

Supporters of Hezbollah hold portraits of its general secretaries on the first anniversary of the assassination of Hassan Nasrallah. (Reuters file)
Supporters of Hezbollah hold portraits of its general secretaries on the first anniversary of the assassination of Hassan Nasrallah. (Reuters file)

Relations between Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and Hezbollah have grown visibly strained, with contacts confined to what ministerial sources described as “the bare minimum.”

The chill has deepened following Aoun’s recent remarks on Hezbollah’s weapons, which widened the rift between the two sides and triggered pointed criticism from the group at the president.

In a televised interview last week marking the first anniversary of his election, Aoun said that “the role of weapons outside the state has ended with the presence of the army, and their continued existence has become a burden on their own environment and on Lebanon as a whole, with no remaining deterrent role.”

In response, former Hezbollah-aligned minister Mohammed Fneish said in a television interview that the party had “reservations on the president’s recent positions,” adding: “We disagree with him in form and substance in some passages. We are not another party. We are a resistance force that played a major role in liberating Lebanon.”

Cool communication

Ministerial sources familiar with Aoun’s position stressed that “the stances he expressed are not new, but the current circumstances may differ from previous ones.”

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, the sources said the remarks stem from the president’s conviction that weapons outside the framework of the state no longer serve any purpose, that their role has ended, and that they have become a burden on everyone, including the Shiite community and Hezbollah’s own base.

“This is, ultimately, a description of an existing reality,” the sources said.

They added that reactions from Hezbollah’s supporters were expected, but would not prevent communication from continuing, since maintaining contact serves the interests of both sides, particularly Hezbollah.

Aoun and Salam

In recent years, Hezbollah had sought to maintain good relations with Aoun. Its lawmakers voted for him during the presidential election session after months of backing Suleiman Franjieh’s candidacy.

The group’s leadership even opened discreet talks with Aoun on what became known as the “national security strategy,” though these discussions yielded no results. Channels of communication remain open on the issue of weapons north of the Litani River, amid Hezbollah’s refusal to cooperate on this file.

Since the cabinet approved a decision last August restricting weapons to the state, Hezbollah’s leadership and supporters have focused their criticism on the government in which the group is represented.

Ties have worsened between Hezbollah and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, whom the group did not back during parliamentary consultations that named him as premier last year.

A natural reaction

Political writer Dr. Kassem Kassir, who closely follows Hezbollah’s position, said the reaction of the party's supporters to Aoun’s remarks was “a natural response,” particularly because the president did not take into account what he described as the "role of the resistance in protecting Lebanon."

He added that calls to end the role of weapons were made without offering guarantees for what would follow or proposing alternative options.

Kassir told Asharq Al-Awsat that the stance of Hezbollah’s supporters did not necessarily reflect the position of the leadership. Communication channels remain open, but contacts have failed to produce a unified vision.

He added that Hezbollah has formal reservations about the performance of the government and the state, especially regarding Israeli negotiations and what it views as concessions made without guarantees or tangible results.

Duality in rhetoric

University professor and lawyer Ali Murad said that segments of Hezbollah’s supporters on social media adopt an extreme accusatory tone toward anyone who disagrees with them, leaving no room for nuance.

However, he argued that the problem goes beyond the supporters themselves and lies in the political rhetoric and mobilization Hezbollah has relied on for decades, "which entrenched a culture that recognizes only black and white and promotes accusations of betrayal, either fully with us or fully against us."

Murad told Asharq Al-Awsat that the "real issue lies in Hezbollah’s dual rhetoric."

He said the party "is fully aware that the reality has become extremely difficult following major losses and a military defeat on one hand, and the broader retreat of the Axis of Resistance on the other. As a result, a clear contradiction has emerged between what Hezbollah says and what it actually believes."

This contradiction, Murad said, is evident in the speeches of Hezbollah’s secretary general Sheikh Naim Qassem, which reflect two parallel narratives. "One acknowledges reality to a degree while maintaining rejection of handing over weapons. The other is a mobilizing discourse rooted in an earlier era, before the pager operation and the 'support front' war."

“What Aoun said falls in this direction,” Murad said, arguing that Hezbollah in its former state has ended and has become a burden on Lebanon, the Shiite community, and the residents of the south.

"Persisting with the same rhetoric today amounts to rejecting reality and practicing denial, a form of political arrogance reflected by both supporters and the group’s media circles."

No interest in breaking ties

Murad said what angered Hezbollah’s supporters most was “the truth they do not want to acknowledge,” namely that Hezbollah’s role has ended, that it has exited the deterrence equation, and that it can no longer achieve Lebanon’s objectives on its own.

“The president stated a truth that needed to be said,” he said.

Asked whether the relationship between Hezbollah and Aoun was nearing a breaking point, Murad said it was not in Hezbollah’s interest to sever political ties with the president, or even with the prime minister.

He noted that the group understands that the actions of both officials serve Lebanon’s interests and, in particular, the interests of the south.

In some respects, he added, this approach also spares Hezbollah and its base the risks of "fatal choices that could lead to a bleak outcome if denial or political self-destruction were to prevail."



US ‘Veto’ Stalls Talks to Complete Zaidi Govt in Iraq

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. (Government media)
Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. (Government media)
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US ‘Veto’ Stalls Talks to Complete Zaidi Govt in Iraq

Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. (Government media)
Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi meets US envoy Tom Barrack in Baghdad, June 16, 2026. (Government media)

A US “veto” has stalled talks to fill vacant posts in Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi’s government, political sources said, as Washington prioritizes a plan to bring armed factions’ weapons under state control despite Iranian objections.

Al-Zaidi told a meeting of the ruling Coordination Framework on Monday that he was close to completing his cabinet, which he announced in mid-May with 14 ministerial portfolios filled and nine posts vacant.

The vacancies include key ministries such as defense, interior, higher education and planning.

Iraq’s federal parliament has often approved incomplete governments in previous terms because of disputes among political parties and blocs over quotas and ministerial posts, with compromises reached later to fill the remaining portfolios.

But the formation of al-Zaidi’s government appears more complicated, and the remaining posts could stay vacant for months, according to a senior Framework official.

US ‘red lines’

The official told Asharq Al-Awsat that disputes over posts could delay completion of the government for a short period, but recent US intervention, particularly under al-Zaidi’s government, could hold it up for months.

The official said discussions within the Framework pointed to “a veto and red lines” imposed by the United States and US presidential envoy Tom Barrack on virtually all candidates nominated by the Framework.

“Some clearly believe Washington does not want the government completed at the moment,” the official said.

Several sources have previously said Washington categorically rejected representatives of armed factions taking ministerial posts and had raised the issue explicitly with al-Zaidi during his latest visit to Washington in July.

Framework uncertainty

Amid reports that Washington has rejected Laith al-Khazali for the post of deputy prime minister, the senior official said there was confusion within the Coordination Framework over the US position, saying Washington had placed red lines on most of its parties and factions.

“Take the State of Law coalition, for example. It has no factions or armed wings, but it too is under the weight of US anger and is not allowed to take ministerial posts,” the official said. “The same happened with its leader Nouri al-Maliki, whom the US president publicly rejected when he was nominated for prime minister.”

Maliki is the head of the State of Law coalition and Trump had vehemently opposed his nomination.

The official said the US priority appeared to be bringing weapons under state control and countering Tehran’s influence in Iraq, rather than completing the cabinet.

“Washington may prefer the defense and interior ministries to remain directly under Prime Minister al-Zaidi,” the official said.

Amid unconfirmed media reports that the head of Iran’s Quds Force is in Baghdad to counter moves to dissolve the armed factions, political sources said al-Zaidi’s announcement that the remaining cabinet posts would be filled was “a cover for the failure to reach an agreement with the Iranians over bringing weapons under state control, and for concerns about the fate of the government itself.”

After September

Kifah Mahmoud, political adviser to Kurdistan Democratic Party leader Masoud Barzani, said negotiations to fill the remaining government posts could take place in September at the earliest.

September 30 is the deadline set by the Baghdad government to resolve the issue of disarming the factions, he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He added that Iraq’s federal constitution does not accept the presence of any armed faction outside the authority of the state and government.

Mahmoud agreed with the view that there was US resistance to completing the government, saying Washington had repeatedly opposed senior government posts going to figures close to armed factions.

“The two main parties in Kurdistan, the Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union, support al-Zaidi and his efforts to complete his cabinet,” he said.

“But the issue is tied to disputes among the leading forces within the Coordination Framework, as well as among Sunni parties.”

Still, Mahmoud said “serious US reservations over who holds government posts, and the red lines Washington has imposed, could obstruct al-Zaidi’s efforts to fill the remaining vacancies.”


Iran’s Revolutionary Guards Overhaul Houthi Security Measures

A barge is secured to the dock at the Port of Mokha the day after an attack by the Houthis on the city of Mokha, held by Yemen's internationally recognised, Aden-based government on 10 August 2026. (AFP)
A barge is secured to the dock at the Port of Mokha the day after an attack by the Houthis on the city of Mokha, held by Yemen's internationally recognised, Aden-based government on 10 August 2026. (AFP)
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Iran’s Revolutionary Guards Overhaul Houthi Security Measures

A barge is secured to the dock at the Port of Mokha the day after an attack by the Houthis on the city of Mokha, held by Yemen's internationally recognised, Aden-based government on 10 August 2026. (AFP)
A barge is secured to the dock at the Port of Mokha the day after an attack by the Houthis on the city of Mokha, held by Yemen's internationally recognised, Aden-based government on 10 August 2026. (AFP)

The Iran-backed Houthis in Yemen have dispersed senior leaders and shifted the running of institutions in areas under their control to new locations under tight security in wake of their latest military escalation, Yemeni security sources told Asharq Al-Awsat.

The measures include turning major hotels in Sanaa, Hodeidah, Saada and other cities into temporary bases for security and intelligence agencies and civilian institutions, as the group seeks to shield its leadership from possible strikes.

The sources revealed that officers from Iran’s Revolutionary Guards were overseeing the escalation, while Ali Mohammad Rezaei, the so-called Iranian ambassador to the Houthis, was personally supervising an operations room directing military and security affairs in Houthi-held areas.

Security and intelligence officials, ministers and heads of state bodies in the Houthis’ internationally unrecognized government have been ordered to move into hotels and continue working from there, the sources said. They said the aim was to place senior figures among civilians and hotel guests, making them harder to target.

The Revolutionary Guards have also set up a dedicated operations room to track developments on the ground and coordinate the media campaign accompanying the escalation, according to the sources.

That campaign includes promoting claims of a blockade and demands for the payment of government employees’ salaries, in what the sources described as an attempt to cast the escalation as driven by domestic grievances.

Its main purpose, however, was to support Tehran in its confrontation with the United States, the sources said.

Iranian officers expect the Coalition to Support Legitimacy in Yemen to respond by targeting Houthi military, security and government leaders, as it did during earlier rounds of conflict, they added. That expectation has prompted the group to tighten precautions around its senior figures.

Hotels turned into hideouts

A number of Houthi leaders have been moved into hotels in major cities under the group’s control, with trusted intelligence operatives appointed as links between them and the institutions they oversee, the sources said.

Those operatives relay orders and requests to lower-ranking officials in government institutions and facilities, while supplying senior leaders with information and other needs at their new locations.

Second-tier officials have meanwhile been left to handle day-to-day operations.

The changes have coincided with the disappearance from public view of several top Houthi figures, who have moved to more secure locations, the sources said.

The group has also tightened security at hotels, linking some to networks operated by intelligence and police agencies under its control to monitor guests, verify identities and prevent infiltration.

Saada sealed off

Several of the Houthis’ most senior leaders have moved to Saada, the group’s main stronghold in northern Yemen, the sources said.

They described the province as effectively sealed off, with entry and exit subject to tight checks.

The province contains fortified Houthi sites beneath mountains that are used as shelters, military command centers and weapons storage facilities, the sources said. Similar sites have also been developed elsewhere.

Houthi officials and supervisors running government institutions under the group’s control have been instructed by Revolutionary Guards personnel to move into hotels in major cities.

Military commanders, by contrast, have been told to remain in trenches and fortified positions prepared across several areas.

The Houthis have also built a network of tunnels and hardened sites for shelter and command operations, particularly in Ibb, Hajjah and Hodeidah provinces, according to the sources.

The precautions draw on the group’s experience during its attacks on shipping in the southern Red Sea from late 2023 through the first quarter of 2025.

During that period, military and security leaders moved into secret locations and residences away from visible centers of activity, helping several senior figures avoid being hit during US and Israeli strikes, the sources said.

Those precautions, however, did not prevent a secret meeting of the Houthi government from being struck, killing the head of government and nine ministers, according to the sources.

The group’s chief of staff was also targeted despite efforts by senior leaders to conceal their whereabouts.

Launch sites dispersed

At the same time, Iranian officers have overseen the establishment of additional positions near front lines and selected multiple sites for launching missiles and drones, the sources said.

The move is designed to prevent the Houthis from relying on a single launch point and to make the sites harder to detect and destroy.

Launch positions have been spread across Ibb, Taiz and Al-Bayda provinces, a pattern that was evident during the heavy missile attack on Mokha port, according to the sources.

The Houthis fired around 20 missiles from areas in Ibb province, some of which fell on the province’s outskirts, they said.

The group also used areas under its control in rural Taiz to fire further volleys of missiles and drones.


Lebanon-Israel Talks Head for Stalemate

The US Embassy in Rome, Italy, where the seventh round of Lebanese-Israeli negotiations was held. (AP)
The US Embassy in Rome, Italy, where the seventh round of Lebanese-Israeli negotiations was held. (AP)
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Lebanon-Israel Talks Head for Stalemate

The US Embassy in Rome, Italy, where the seventh round of Lebanese-Israeli negotiations was held. (AP)
The US Embassy in Rome, Italy, where the seventh round of Lebanese-Israeli negotiations was held. (AP)

Lebanese-Israeli negotiations appear headed for a period of drift, with no serious signs that political and technical discussions will translate into practical steps.

The seventh round, held in Rome last week, ended without tangible results.

The next round will be held next month, a State Department official announced Tuesday.

"The political track will reconvene in Rome in early September, and conversations will continue in Beirut, Jerusalem, and Washington in the interim," the official said on condition of anonymity.

Lebanese ministerial sources following the negotiations said the deadlock was driven mainly by Israeli and US political calculations, making a meaningful breakthrough unlikely in the near term.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu does not appear ready to make concessions or take major steps before Israel’s elections in October, the sources told Asharq Al-Awsat.

With the outcome uncertain, they said, Netanyahu would be reluctant to approve a withdrawal from areas in southern Lebanon that could carry domestic political costs or be used against him during the campaign.

Limited US pressure

The sources said Washington was also unlikely to put heavy pressure on Netanyahu at this stage, despite continuing to sponsor the negotiations.

They linked that caution to US domestic politics ahead of the midterm elections and the administration’s desire to maintain strong ties with Israel and segments of the Jewish American electorate.

That leaves Washington with limited room to push the Israeli government, the sources said.

The United States appears keen to keep the talks alive and prevent their collapse, but not to press Israel into major steps before the Israeli political picture becomes clearer.

Talks, but no implementation

The seventh round underscored the limits of the current process, the sources said.

“If there had been a serious desire to make progress, it would at least have been possible to agree on the pilot areas and identify them by name as a prelude to implementation,” they said.

Instead, discussions shifted to border issues, working mechanisms and technical arrangements.

No practical steps were agreed, including Lebanon’s demand for an end to the war and destruction, the sources said.

The problem, they added, is that the talks are increasingly focused on mechanisms and details while the political decisions needed to begin implementation remain absent.

That risks turning the negotiations into an open-ended process with no tangible outcome.

Prisoners and remains

The sources said bringing the issue of Israeli remains into the talks and linking it to the prisoners’ file was also pulling attention away from the core issues.

If there were a serious and positive effort to address the prisoners’ issue, they said, the International Committee of the Red Cross should at least be allowed to meet them, something Israel continues to refuse.

Raising such issues without taking clear steps only prolongs the negotiations, the sources said, rather than moving toward the issues Lebanon wants addressed.

Against that backdrop, Beirut is using its channels with US officials to press Israel, at least to halt the continuing bulldozing and destruction in the south.

Lebanon is stressing to Washington that ongoing destruction, alongside negotiations, makes it difficult to portray the process as serious or capable of producing a settlement, the sources said.

Beirut hopes for some progress on that front in the near term.

Could Lebanon walk away?

On whether Lebanon might suspend its participation, the sources pointed to an episode during the seventh round in Rome.

Lebanese delegation head Ambassador Simon Karam wanted to withdraw after Israel threatened to strike the town of Mansouri and called for its evacuation, they said.

The Lebanese presidency, however, favored continuing the talks.

Its view was that any suspension should come from the other side, not Lebanon, so Beirut would not be blamed for derailing the negotiations.

Iran remains a factor

The US-Iranian negotiations are also feeding into the Lebanese-Israeli track, alongside Israel’s elections, the sources said.

Any progress between Washington and Tehran could affect the situation in Lebanon.

The main impact, they said, would be on efforts to disarm Hezbollah, ease tensions and push the group toward a more positive approach to Lebanon’s negotiating track.