Lebanon: 350 Hezbollah Members Killed Since Start of New Round of War

Mourners chant slogans as they carry the coffin of Ali Ahmad Mousawi, who was killed early Wednesday by an Israeli strike, during his funeral procession in Nabi Sheet village, in Lebanon's eastern Bekaa Valley, Wednesday, Aug. 21, 2024.   (AP Photo/Bilal Hussein)
Mourners chant slogans as they carry the coffin of Ali Ahmad Mousawi, who was killed early Wednesday by an Israeli strike, during his funeral procession in Nabi Sheet village, in Lebanon's eastern Bekaa Valley, Wednesday, Aug. 21, 2024. (AP Photo/Bilal Hussein)
TT

Lebanon: 350 Hezbollah Members Killed Since Start of New Round of War

Mourners chant slogans as they carry the coffin of Ali Ahmad Mousawi, who was killed early Wednesday by an Israeli strike, during his funeral procession in Nabi Sheet village, in Lebanon's eastern Bekaa Valley, Wednesday, Aug. 21, 2024.   (AP Photo/Bilal Hussein)
Mourners chant slogans as they carry the coffin of Ali Ahmad Mousawi, who was killed early Wednesday by an Israeli strike, during his funeral procession in Nabi Sheet village, in Lebanon's eastern Bekaa Valley, Wednesday, Aug. 21, 2024. (AP Photo/Bilal Hussein)

The war between Hezbollah and Israel has seen a shift in media handling, particularly regarding announcements of casualties. After initially adopting, at the start of the 2024 war, a policy of near-daily announcements, the group later gradually reduced such statements before halting them altogether. This approach continues in the current fighting, with obituary notices largely absent or confined to a limited local scope in the villages and towns from which the members originate, for security, psychological and political reasons.

From public obituaries to limited disclosure

In the first weeks of the 2024 war, Hezbollah issued successive statements naming those killed, publishing their photos and hometowns, alongside public funeral ceremonies. This approach later receded, with fewer statements issued before they nearly stopped entirely by late September 2024, when the announced toll stood at 450.

By the end of the war in November 2024, estimates put the death toll at about 4,000, including those killed in what is referred to as the “pager operation,” according to estimates rather than official figures from Hezbollah.

On Thursday, Israeli military spokesman Avichay Adraee said on X that forces from the 36th Division and the air force had “eliminated more than 20 Hezbollah members within 24 hours in southern Lebanon.”

350 members killed since start of war

Researcher Mohammad Chamseddine, from the International Information organization, told Asharq Al-Awsat the number of Hezbollah members killed so far was estimated at around 350, out of 1,001 deaths announced by Lebanon’s health ministry.

He said most were killed in the “Nabi Sheet landing” on March 7 and in clashes along the border, particularly in Khiam, where 53 members were killed. The estimates are based on the number of bodies transferred to hospitals across regions, excluding a very small number buried immediately, he added.

He said the majority of those killed were civilians or supporters rather than members, amid Israeli strikes targeting areas close to the group, while it has adopted strict measures to protect its members. Since September 2024, Hezbollah’s announcements have been limited to “senior figures,” as part of a policy aimed at reducing the impact on its support base as the toll rises.

Reducing security exposure

Retired brigadier general and military expert Hassan Jouni said Hezbollah’s decision not to announce the deaths of its members during the war was due to overlapping factors.

“The first is morale. Daily announcements, with rising casualties, have a negative impact on the support base and reflect losses that may be interpreted as an indicator of the enemy’s superiority,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He also cited security considerations, saying such statements could reveal sensitive information about identities, family ties and places of residence that could be exploited using modern technology to identify and target specific communities.

“Missing without a trace”

Jouni also pointed to those classified as “missing without a trace,” whose fate remains unknown and whose deaths are not announced due to the uncertainty surrounding their status.

He said the nature and intensity of the fighting, along with Hezbollah’s decentralized structure, made it difficult to determine the fate of some individuals. Loss of contact does not necessarily indicate death, as individuals may still be alive or captured, he said, requiring caution before any official announcement.

After a ceasefire took effect on Nov. 27, 2024, estimates indicated around 1,500 individuals were classified by Hezbollah as of “unknown fate,” with families informed of lost contact. This was followed by the recovery of bodies and DNA testing to confirm identities before announcements were made.

Most bodies were returned and buried, while some families were informed their relatives remained “missing without a trace,” meaning no remains had been found or recovery was unlikely due to destruction caused by strikes on homes and villages. Their number is estimated at about 45.



UN Considers Response to Israeli Move to Build a Military Compound on Site of Relief Agency

The front gate of the east Jerusalem compound of UNRWA is seen in east Jerusalem, May 10, 2024. (AP)
The front gate of the east Jerusalem compound of UNRWA is seen in east Jerusalem, May 10, 2024. (AP)
TT

UN Considers Response to Israeli Move to Build a Military Compound on Site of Relief Agency

The front gate of the east Jerusalem compound of UNRWA is seen in east Jerusalem, May 10, 2024. (AP)
The front gate of the east Jerusalem compound of UNRWA is seen in east Jerusalem, May 10, 2024. (AP)

The United Nations is considering how to respond to Israel's announcement that it will build a military complex on the former headquarters of the UN relief agency for Palestinians in east Jerusalem, an official said Tuesday.

Israel at the weekend announced the government's approval for a defense ministry complex at the United Nations Relief and Works Agency ’s compound in Sheikh Jarrah, including a museum and enlistment office.

“The matter is currently under consideration at the level of the legal council, the highest legal authority of the United Nations in New York,” UNRWA Deputy Commissioner General Natalie Boucly told The Associated Press during a visit to Syria.

“These are UN premises and, at a minimum, this is a breach of the 1946 UN Convention on privileges and immunities,” she said.

Israel bulldozed part of the UNRWA compound in January, capping off a decades-long campaign against the agency, which became acute following the Hamas-led attacks on Oct. 7, 2023.

Israel has accused the UN agency of harboring staff members affiliated with Hamas, accusing some of taking part in the attacks. UNRWA leaders have said they took swift action against the employees accused of taking part in the 2023 attacks, and have denied allegations that the agency tolerates or collaborates with Hamas.

Israel's Defense Minister Israel Katz said the plan to build a defense complex on the former UNRWA headquarters was “a decision of sovereignty, Zionism and security.”

“In a place where an organization that became part of the terror and incitement mechanism against Israel operated, institutions will be established that will strengthen Jerusalem, the (Israeli army), and the State of Israel,” Katz said in a statement on Sunday.

The decision came on Jerusalem Day, which marks Israel’s capture of east Jerusalem, including the Old City and its holy sites sacred to Jews, Christians and Muslims, in the 1967 Mideast war. Israel considers the entire city of Jerusalem its capital, while the Palestinians seek east Jerusalem as the capital of their future independent state.

The UNRWA compound was shut down in May 2025 after far-right protesters, including at least one member of parliament, overran its gate in view of the police.

UNRWA’s mandate is to provide aid and services to some 2.5 million Palestinian refugees in Gaza, the occupied West Bank and east Jerusalem, as well as 3 million refugees in Syria, Jordan and Lebanon. Its operations were curtailed last year when Israel’s Knesset passed legislation severing ties and banning it from functioning in what it defines as Israel — including east Jerusalem.

Boucly said the humanitarian situation in Gaza “remains absolutely dire.” While UNRWA international staff have been barred by Israel from entering Gaza, about 10,000 local staff continue to work in the enclave, including teachers, health workers and sanitation workers, she said.

Despite a tenuous ceasefire, “there are issues with insufficient aid coming in,” she said. “It is not coming in at scale and reconstruction is not starting fast enough for the people to see a real change on the ground.”

Boucly spoke to the AP from Syria's Yarmouk Palestinian refugee camp, where the situation is somewhat more hopeful as former residents who fled during the country's 14-year civil war have been gradually returning.

Taken over by a series of armed groups then bombarded by the military of then President Bashar al-Assad, the camp was all but abandoned after 2018. The buildings that were not destroyed by bombs were demolished by the government or stripped by thieves.

After Assad's ouster in 2024, former residents began to trickle back and repair their damaged homes. As of April, some 60,000 people had returned to the camp, of which 80% are Palestinian refugees, Boucly said.

Assistance to those returning to the camp has been limited, she acknowledged. UNRWA has received donor aid to rehabilitate schools and health centers, but has been unable to provide more than minor assistance to people needing to repair their damaged homes, she said.

Despite anxieties about shrinking funding, she said, “I think there is a situation of hope for Palestine refugees” in Syria.


Sudan's RSF Denies Reports of Abu Lulu's Release

This handout picture released by the Sudanese Rapid Support Forces (RSF) on October 30, 2025, shows RSF members reportedly detaining a fighter known as Abu Lulu (L) in al-Fashir in war-torn Sudan's western Darfur region. (RSF / AFP)
This handout picture released by the Sudanese Rapid Support Forces (RSF) on October 30, 2025, shows RSF members reportedly detaining a fighter known as Abu Lulu (L) in al-Fashir in war-torn Sudan's western Darfur region. (RSF / AFP)
TT

Sudan's RSF Denies Reports of Abu Lulu's Release

This handout picture released by the Sudanese Rapid Support Forces (RSF) on October 30, 2025, shows RSF members reportedly detaining a fighter known as Abu Lulu (L) in al-Fashir in war-torn Sudan's western Darfur region. (RSF / AFP)
This handout picture released by the Sudanese Rapid Support Forces (RSF) on October 30, 2025, shows RSF members reportedly detaining a fighter known as Abu Lulu (L) in al-Fashir in war-torn Sudan's western Darfur region. (RSF / AFP)

Sudan’s paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) denied on Tuesday reports about the release of RSF Brigadier General al-Fateh Abdullah Idris, known as Abu Lulu, who was arrested late last year following global outrage over videos of him executing unarmed people in al-Fashir.

In a statement, the RSF “categorically” denied the reports, slamming them as “baseless” and being part of a “campaigns of incitement.”

Two sources – a Sudanese intelligence official and a commander with the RSF – said they personally saw Abu Lulu on the battlefield in Kordofan in March, said a Reuters report on Monday.

The RSF stressed that Abu Lulu and a number of individuals, accused of violations against civilians in al-Fashir, have been detained since their arrest in October.

“They remain in prison and have never left,” it added.

RSF officers had pleaded for Abu Lulu to be returned to the field to boost the morale of forces engulfed in heavy fighting there, a Chadian military officer told Reuters.

Reuters spoke with 13 sources who said they knew of Abu Lulu’s release. They include three RSF commanders, an RSF officer, a relative of Abu Lulu, a Chadian military officer close to RSF command and seven other sources with contacts in RSF leadership or access to intelligence on RSF field operations.

The RSF-led coalition government, in response to questions from Reuters, issued a statement on Monday denying the group had released Abu Lulu.

A special court will try him and others accused of violations during the al-Fashir offensive, according to the statement from Ahmed Tugud Lisan, spokesman for the RSF-led Tasis government.

The RSF imprisoned Abu Lulu in late October 2025, a few days after its bloody takeover of al-Fashir, a large city in North Darfur.

Multiple videos had surfaced of him executing unarmed people during the offensive. His actions earned him the nickname “the butcher of al-Fashir,” a moniker noted by the UN Security Council when sanctioning him on February 24 for human rights abuses.

The three-year civil war between the Sudanese army and the RSF is a brutal power struggle to control the country and its financial resources. It has created what aid groups say is the world's largest humanitarian ‌crisis.


Blank Ballots Impede Vote for New Hamas Leader

Hamas leaders, from right: Rawhi Mushtaha, Saleh al-Arouri and Ismail Haniyeh, all of whom were assassinated, Khaled Meshaal and Khalil al-Hayya. Hamas media)
Hamas leaders, from right: Rawhi Mushtaha, Saleh al-Arouri and Ismail Haniyeh, all of whom were assassinated, Khaled Meshaal and Khalil al-Hayya. Hamas media)
TT

Blank Ballots Impede Vote for New Hamas Leader

Hamas leaders, from right: Rawhi Mushtaha, Saleh al-Arouri and Ismail Haniyeh, all of whom were assassinated, Khaled Meshaal and Khalil al-Hayya. Hamas media)
Hamas leaders, from right: Rawhi Mushtaha, Saleh al-Arouri and Ismail Haniyeh, all of whom were assassinated, Khaled Meshaal and Khalil al-Hayya. Hamas media)

While many were waiting to learn who would become the new head of Hamas’s political bureau, the movement issued a rare and surprising statement last Saturday saying the result could not be decided in the first round and that a second would be held.

Asharq Al-Awsat asked Hamas sources inside and outside Gaza why the process of electing a new leader had stalled.

Speaking separately, they cited several factors, including “blank ballots” cast by some voters to show they were not backing either of the two contenders, Khalil al-Hayya, head of Hamas’s office in Gaza, and Khaled Meshaal, his counterpart abroad.

Hamas is facing its worst crisis since it was founded in 1987. Israeli strikes that began after the October 7, 2023, attack have hit its various wings and leaderships.

Israel assassinated its political bureau chief Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran in July 2024. He was succeeded by Yahya al-Sinwar in Gaza in October of the same year.

For about a year and a half, a “leadership council” has been running Hamas’s affairs. At the start of this year, a new push began to elect a chief to lead the movement for the remaining period of the current political bureau’s term. The term had been due to end in 2025 but was extended by one year, pending general elections at the end of this year or the beginning of next year.

Two options

Three Hamas sources, including two outside Gaza, told Asharq Al-Awsat that since the result was not decided in favor of either al-Hayya or Meshaal, the movement’s internal regulations offer “two options: either the candidate with fewer votes withdraws in favor of the one with more, or a second round is held within 20 days of the first.”

The vote to elect the head of the political bureau is conducted through the 71-member Shura Council.

The two sources outside Gaza said many voters submitted blank votes, meaning they did not name any candidate. This prevented either contender from winning the first round.

Both sources, who are senior leaders in the movement, said this was “the first time” they had seen such a situation in a vote for the head of the bureau.

One source said the situation suggested “dissatisfaction with the two competing figures, and perhaps a protest against the movement’s policies and an attempt to push toward a younger leadership.”

The other source said: “This is not necessarily a protest against the contenders, as much as it indicates that there is real rejection of some policies on several files, or a desire to postpone the idea of electing an interim chief, wait until comprehensive elections are held, and keep the current leadership council in place.”

Hard-fought contest

Assessments inside and outside Hamas suggest that the competition between al-Hayya and Meshaal reflects diverging trends between two camps within the movement.

Al-Hayya is believed to be closer to support from the Qassam Brigades, Hamas’s military wing, and to advocates of closer ties with Iran.

Meshaal is seen as representing a current that is more independent from tying the movement’s path to Tehran, as reflected in his dispute over the events of the Syrian revolution and in distancing the movement from involvement in it.

One source outside Gaza described the election as a very tight contest between Meshaal and al-Hayya, saying Hamas’s leadership in Gaza had controlled the movement’s most important files over the past two election cycles.

The source inside Gaza said only that “decisions within the movement are made by consensus, regardless of the standing or historical role of whoever leads Hamas.”

Previous elections

In previous years, elections for the head of Hamas’s political bureau were held as part of broader elections for the entire bureau and its various bodies.

In the last comprehensive elections, held in 2021, Haniyeh secured the leadership of the political bureau for a second term. His closest rivals were Saleh al-Arouri and Mohammed Nazzal, respectively.

In his first term as head of the movement in 2017, Haniyeh ran for the leadership with relative ease after Meshaal, who led Hamas’s political bureau between 2013 and 2017, was unable to run.

In the last election, held in Gaza, there was a fierce contest between Sinwar and Nizar Awadallah. It was heading for a second round before Awadallah withdrew in favor of Sinwar.