Houthi Schools in Yemen Turned into Early Recruitment Camps

Yemeni students attend morning assembly at a school in Sanaa (EPA)
Yemeni students attend morning assembly at a school in Sanaa (EPA)
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Houthi Schools in Yemen Turned into Early Recruitment Camps

Yemeni students attend morning assembly at a school in Sanaa (EPA)
Yemeni students attend morning assembly at a school in Sanaa (EPA)

Since rising to power in 2014, Yemen’s Houthi movement, Ansar Allah, has systematically entrenched itself within the education system, rewriting curricula, renaming schools, and embedding ideological programs.

Classrooms have become a frontline in a broader struggle over identity and influence, and a pipeline for recruiting young people.

As public schools were sidelined and weakened, the group built a parallel model, recasting education as a controlled, camp-like environment. At its core is a network branded “Martyr of the Quran Schools,” positioned as an alternative system.

Seizure and spread

The shift has been enforced on the ground. Public school buildings have been taken over and rebranded. Kamran School in Ibb, for example, was renamed under the new label. Other schools have been given the names of Houthi figures, a move educators say aims to replace the state’s education identity.

The expansion has also reached mosques, including the Grand Mosque in Dhamar, Al-Shamsiya School, and Al-Firdous Mosque in Sanaa’s Sawaan district, which have been repurposed into centers under the same banner.

Within three years, the model has spread across Houthi-held areas, moving beyond major cities into districts.

The schools operate as closed boarding schools, providing housing, food, and supplies while imposing a tightly controlled ideological framework. The name itself invokes the group’s founder, Hussein Badr al-Din al-Houthi.

From headline to pattern

On March 3, 2024, Houthi authorities said 3,000 students had graduated from the network.

The figure appears routine. But it reflects just two years of intensive, closed education, from a project that only began to take shape in 2022, underscoring the speed of expansion.

Houthi media say the model started with one school in Sanaa, then one per province, before spreading rapidly, especially in the capital.

Accounts suggest similarities with the system used by Hezbollah in Lebanon. Houthi officials frame the schools as part of the founder’s vision to produce generations “aware of the Quran” and able to confront cultural challenges.

Blurred structures

The schools carry the formal name “Martyr of the Quran Secondary Schools for Sharia Sciences,” but key details, including their legal basis and oversight, remain unclear.

References to a “republican decree” establishing them have surfaced, but no confirmed evidence exists. Reports also refer to boards of directors and links to education officials, yet the structure remains opaque.

An entity described as the General Administration of Secondary Schools for Sharia Sciences, reportedly led by Houthi figure Mohammed al-Tawqi within the education ministry, appears to be connected, though its exact role is unclear.

The group’s “General Mobilization” apparatus, tasked with recruitment and ideological training, is a constant presence. It operates directly under Houthi leadership and coordinates with religious bodies, mirroring models used by Hezbollah and Iran-aligned groups elsewhere.

No oversight

A teacher in Sanaa province, speaking anonymously, said the schools operate outside formal educational supervision. Curricula and programs are not published, leaving their content difficult to assess.

Management, he said, is tied to Ansar Allah’s cultural and educational offices, not standard education authorities.

Funding is similarly opaque. The schools are backed by the group’s resources, including levies and compulsory contributions, with Houthi media pointing to the Zakat Authority and the General Mobilization body as sources.

Recruitment and incentives

Each academic year, aligned with the Islamic calendar adopted by the group, enrollment opens to students aged 15 to 17 who have completed basic education.

Admission requires interviews and tests that assess ideological commitment and readiness for a full two-year residential program.

The incentives are clear: full accommodation, meals, clothing, and free tuition, alongside intensive daily programs described as faith-based.

The schools currently focus on secondary education, but expansion is underway. Graduates receive certification from an affiliated religious academy and can pursue further study or join institutions, including the group's military colleges.

A controlled day

Details of the curriculum remain scarce, but officials describe a rigid schedule. According to a school supervisor in Sanaa, the day starts at 4 a.m. with prayers and Quran study, followed by classes, then extended ideological sessions in the afternoon and evening.

Students study the writings of Hussein al-Houthi, attend lectures, and watch group-produced content as part of sustained indoctrination.

The program runs for two years in a closed setting, largely cut off from families.

Teachers are also drawn in. With public sector salaries disrupted, many join these schools, where pay is available, but they must first undergo ideological training.

Beyond the classroom

Activities extend beyond formal lessons. Students visit sites linked to Houthi leaders, including the grave of Hussein al-Houthi and that of Saleh al-Sammad, framed as “faith-building” experiences.

Annual events, including “Martyr’s Day,” feature speeches, marches, and staged combat scenes, reinforcing themes of jihad and allegiance.

A former teacher said the activities follow a structured program designed to build loyalty before academic learning. Students are trained in public speaking, media presence, and simulated combat, and take part in security-style exercises.

Militarization of school life

Military elements are integrated into daily life, with exposure to weapons and organized student parades, such as one held in Raymah province in February 2025.

School environments reinforce the messaging, with classrooms filled with images, slogans, and ideological language tied to the group.

“It is not an educational institution,” one teacher said. “It is a place to shape students.”

Pressure and withdrawal

A student in Sanaa province, identified as Sadiq, said he left after his father learned of the school’s ideological focus.

He described a reduced academic schedule, with only three classes a day, while the rest of the time is devoted to lectures.

“After the lecture, if a student cannot answer questions, he is beaten,” he said, adding that many stopped attending under the pressure.

Parallel system, uncertain future

The rise of these schools has created a parallel education track alongside the recognized system, leaving students exposed if conditions shift.

Houthi media promote student statements dismissing other schools as lacking real knowledge, reflecting a broader effort to discredit formal education.

Graduates emerge shaped by a strong ideological framework, raising questions about their academic and professional prospects and the long-term impact on Yemen.

Education, once a space for critical thinking and opportunity, is being recast as a tool of mobilization, reshaping a generation in line with a narrow ideological project.



Barghouti Remains Central Figure in Palestinian Politics After 24 Years in Prison

Marwan Barghouti waves as Israeli police bring him to court for a sentencing hearing in Tel Aviv, May 20, 2004. (Reuters)
Marwan Barghouti waves as Israeli police bring him to court for a sentencing hearing in Tel Aviv, May 20, 2004. (Reuters)
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Barghouti Remains Central Figure in Palestinian Politics After 24 Years in Prison

Marwan Barghouti waves as Israeli police bring him to court for a sentencing hearing in Tel Aviv, May 20, 2004. (Reuters)
Marwan Barghouti waves as Israeli police bring him to court for a sentencing hearing in Tel Aviv, May 20, 2004. (Reuters)

Twenty-four years after the arrest of Palestinian leader Marwan Barghouti, now 67, and after long stretches in solitary confinement, he remains a central figure in Palestinian politics.

His influence has outpaced that of other officials in decision-making roles, and he has topped Fatah elections in previous years, as the movement prepares for its eighth conference next month, a key test of what has changed over time.

Palestinians, the presidency, Fatah, and Barghouti’s family marked the 24th anniversary of his arrest late last week. President Mahmoud Abbas pledged to continue efforts to secure his release.

Fatah said Barghouti, known as Abu al-Qassam, had become a living symbol for Palestinians through his sacrifices, struggle, courage, and patience.

The anniversary came as a lawyer who visited Barghouti on April 12 said he had been assaulted three times in recent weeks, on March 24 and 25 and April 8, leaving him bleeding in several parts of his body without proper medical treatment.

Israeli lawyer Ben Marmarelli said Barghouti was severely beaten and left bleeding for more than two hours on one occasion. Israel’s prison service said it was “not aware” of such incidents.

Barghouti is believed to have been held in solitary confinement for two and a half years. Last year, Israel’s National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir posted a video showing him confronting Barghouti in his cell, speaking in a condescending and threatening tone in what appeared to be an attempt to break him. The move backfired, drawing renewed attention to Barghouti to the point that US President Donald Trump said he was considering whether to release him.

Trump said last October he might ask Israel to release Barghouti, adding he had discussed the option with aides at the White House.

Trump’s intervention has further elevated Barghouti’s standing, with many viewing him as a potential “savior”.

Presidential contender

Informed Palestinian sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that Barghouti will almost certainly run in the next presidential election. “He will most likely be Fatah’s candidate, but even if that does not happen, he will run because he is Marwan,” the sources said.

Elections canceled at the last minute five years ago pointed to his chances. Barghouti formed a list with former Central Committee member Nasser al-Qudwa to challenge Fatah’s official slate.

The list was headed by al-Qudwa and lawyer Fadwa Barghouti, Barghouti’s wife, and included prominent figures from the movement. Barghouti’s name was not listed as he planned to run for president.

His stance underscored a rift dating back to 2005, when he briefly ran against Abbas before withdrawing, a divide that appears unresolved despite expectations of a reconciliation.

There is little sign his position has shifted, even as the broader landscape has. Since the Oct. 7, 2023, war, Israel has increased pressure on the Palestinian Authority, reshaped conditions in the West Bank, and imposed harsher measures on prisoners, including Barghouti. Israel has also rejected Trump’s remarks about his possible release.

Meanwhile, Abbas has moved to reshape the Palestinian Authority and Fatah, appointing senior Central Committee member Hussein al-Sheikh as vice president, launching reconciliation efforts, and allowing the return of previously dismissed members, including al-Qudwa, who has rejoined the Central Committee.

Abbas met Barghouti’s wife late last year and said he would continue working to secure his release.

The meeting sent a clear signal aimed at dispelling doubts over Barghouti, who enjoys strong support within Fatah. His backers present him as a unifying figure capable of bringing Palestinians together and as a potential successor to Abbas, an idea that has not previously gained traction within decision-making circles in Ramallah.

One shift since the war is that Hamas is expected to back him more strongly in any election. The group sought his release in prisoner exchange talks with Israel, placing him among five top-priority detainees, but Israel firmly refused.

Arafat loyalist

Barghouti, arrested in 2002, is serving five life sentences plus 40 years after being convicted of leading the al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, Fatah’s armed wing, which carried out attacks that killed Israelis during the second Palestinian uprising that began in 2000.

Before his arrest, he was close to Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat and is widely regarded within Fatah as an Arafat loyalist. This strengthens his standing among the movement’s base, though it may count against him with Israel and opponents of Arafat.

Abbas’s reconciliation push ahead of the eighth conference, scheduled for May 14, comes at a sensitive moment as he works to reorganize the Palestinian Authority and ensure a smooth leadership transition.

The conference will elect a new Central Committee, the movement’s top decision-making body, which will shape both Fatah and the broader Palestinian political landscape.

Selecting a new committee, alongside a new Palestinian National Council, will signal the scale of change and reveal the influence of key figures.

At Fatah’s seventh conference, Barghouti secured the highest number of votes, 930 out of about 1,100, underscoring his strong backing within the movement.

The upcoming conference will show whether he has maintained that standing or lost ground amid sweeping changes within the Palestinian Authority, Fatah, and Palestinian society.

His supporters had hoped he would be named vice president in recent years, but both roles went to others, with the leadership arguing the move was impractical given his imprisonment.

A source close to Barghouti said, “All Palestinians, not just Fatah members, see him as the one who can unite them, as do many countries in the region and beyond. Israel does not want that for well-known reasons.”

“His standing has not diminished over time; it has grown stronger. His presence will remain dominant. He will gain his freedom and unite the Palestinians,” he added.


Lebanese Army Restores Road, Bridge Damaged by Israeli Strikes

Displaced people cross a destroyed bridge which was hit few days ago in an Israeli airstrike, as they return to their villages on the second day of a ceasefire between Hezbollah and Israel in Qasmiyeh, near Tyre city, southern Lebanon, Saturday, April 18, 2026. (AP)
Displaced people cross a destroyed bridge which was hit few days ago in an Israeli airstrike, as they return to their villages on the second day of a ceasefire between Hezbollah and Israel in Qasmiyeh, near Tyre city, southern Lebanon, Saturday, April 18, 2026. (AP)
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Lebanese Army Restores Road, Bridge Damaged by Israeli Strikes

Displaced people cross a destroyed bridge which was hit few days ago in an Israeli airstrike, as they return to their villages on the second day of a ceasefire between Hezbollah and Israel in Qasmiyeh, near Tyre city, southern Lebanon, Saturday, April 18, 2026. (AP)
Displaced people cross a destroyed bridge which was hit few days ago in an Israeli airstrike, as they return to their villages on the second day of a ceasefire between Hezbollah and Israel in Qasmiyeh, near Tyre city, southern Lebanon, Saturday, April 18, 2026. (AP)

Lebanon's military said Sunday it had reopened a road and bridge damaged by Israeli strikes in the country's south, as a 10-day truce holds between Hezbollah and Israel.

In a statement, the military said it "fully reopened" a road linking the city of Nabatieh with the Khardali area, and had "partially reopened the Burj Rahal-Tyre bridge".

"Work is also underway to rehabilitate the Tayr Falsay-Tyre bridge... following damage caused by the Israeli aggression," the army added.

Israeli strikes on bridges that cross Lebanon's Litani river, which flows around 30 kilometers (20 miles) north of Israel, have largely cut off the area south of the waterway from the rest of Lebanon, according to the army.

On Friday a ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon took effect after the first direct talks between the two sides in decades, bringing a pause to weeks of fighting between Israel and Hezbollah that has killed nearly 2,300 people and displaced more than a million.

Since the truce began, Lebanon's military and local authorities have been working to reopen roads that were blocked due to Israeli strikes.

The vital Qasmiyeh bridge was also reopened on Friday morning, allowing countless people displaced from southern Lebanon by the fighting to return to the area and check on their property.

However, many residents have remained hesitant to venture back with the longevity of the truce uncertain.

On Saturday, an AFP correspondent in the southern city of Sidon saw heavy traffic heading to Beirut as displaced southerners returned to temporary homes and shelters in the capital after briefly visiting southern areas.

Earlier that day, Hezbollah official Mahmud Qamati warned that "Israeli treachery is expected at any time, and this is a temporary truce".

"Take a breath, relax a little, but do not abandon the places you have taken refuge in until we are completely reassured about your return," he said.

The Israeli military has carried out strikes and demolitions in southern Lebanon despite the truce.

It also said Saturday that it had established a "yellow line", similar to one in the Palestinian territory of Gaza that separates Israeli forces from areas held by the Hamas group.


Israeli Army Says Soldier Killed in Southern Lebanon

 18 April 2026, Lebanon, ---: A general view of the heavily damaged area in southern Lebanon following Israeli strikes. (dpa)
18 April 2026, Lebanon, ---: A general view of the heavily damaged area in southern Lebanon following Israeli strikes. (dpa)
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Israeli Army Says Soldier Killed in Southern Lebanon

 18 April 2026, Lebanon, ---: A general view of the heavily damaged area in southern Lebanon following Israeli strikes. (dpa)
18 April 2026, Lebanon, ---: A general view of the heavily damaged area in southern Lebanon following Israeli strikes. (dpa)

Israel's military said on Sunday that a soldier died during combat in southern Lebanon, where a temporary ceasefire had come into effect this week.

"Lidor Porat, aged 31, from Ashdod, a soldier in the 7106th Battalion, 769th Regional Brigade, fell during combat in southern Lebanon," the Israeli military said in a statement, without providing further details.

The total Israeli army death toll in the six-week war between Israel and Hezbollah was now 15, according to an AFP tally based on military figures.

It was the second death announced by Israel of a soldier in southern Lebanon since the start of a ten-day truce announced by the United States began on Friday -- part of wider efforts to bring a permanent end to the Middle East war.

The latest round of fighting in Lebanon -- one of the fronts in the regional war -- had begun on March 2 when Tehran-backed Hezbollah launched rocket attacks on Israel to avenge the death of its supreme leader in the opening wave of Israeli-US strikes on Iran.

Israel then responded with a strikes it said targeted Hezbollah in Beirut and the southern parts of the country where it had also launched a ground operation.