Lebanon: Truce Gradually Draws South Beirut Residents Back Home

A branch of Al-Qard Al-Hassan in Beirut’s southern suburbs after it was hit by an Israeli strike during the 2024 war (File photo, Asharq Al-Awsat)
A branch of Al-Qard Al-Hassan in Beirut’s southern suburbs after it was hit by an Israeli strike during the 2024 war (File photo, Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Lebanon: Truce Gradually Draws South Beirut Residents Back Home

A branch of Al-Qard Al-Hassan in Beirut’s southern suburbs after it was hit by an Israeli strike during the 2024 war (File photo, Asharq Al-Awsat)
A branch of Al-Qard Al-Hassan in Beirut’s southern suburbs after it was hit by an Israeli strike during the 2024 war (File photo, Asharq Al-Awsat)

Residents are gradually returning to Beirut’s southern suburbs after a ceasefire agreement was extended for six weeks, three months after they were displaced from the area, and after the suburbs were largely spared Israeli bombardment during the truce.

Residents say they have no choice but to return after experiencing the hardship of displacement and a sense of joblessness.

The return to the southern suburbs began early this week, although residents told Asharq Al-Awsat that complete reassurance remains absent. They said returning to livelihoods and homes had become necessary, driven by the need to restore the rhythm of daily life.

Livelihoods reopen doors

In an area where a large part of the population depends on self-employment and small shops, restoring livelihoods has become essential to restarting life itself.

Ali Zeineddine, a father of two and the owner of a clothing shop in Beirut’s southern suburbs, said, “People are returning because they have work, a business, or a source of income. Today, the return is tied more to earning a living than to feeling reassured.”

He said owning the shop helped him reopen at a time when many others faced difficulty returning because of rent burdens and losses. But reopening did not mean life had fully returned to what it was before.

“There is movement, but it is timid. There is buying and selling on a limited scale, but it helps cover part of the family’s expenses,” he said.

He added that the pattern of life itself had changed after the war.

“Before the war, we used to work until late at night. Today, I open in the morning and close earlier, before sunset, because people’s movement has changed. Many come down during the day and then leave in the evening, so the night is no longer what it used to be.”

He said the overall scene still reflects a gradual return rather than full stability. “People are trying to restore their lives with what is available, but no one is acting as if everything has returned to normal.”

A long wait

Wissam Shehab, the owner of a vegetable shop and a father supporting a family of five, had not initially planned to return quickly, but found himself facing a different reality as time passed.

“We returned because my source of income is here. My shop is in the southern suburbs, and it is how I live and support my family. At first, we thought the displacement phase would be short and that it only needed some time. But when the period began to drag on, it was no longer possible to keep life suspended,” he said.

He added that keeping the family in an open-ended state of waiting would make matters more complicated, both economically and psychologically. That is why he decided to return and settle in his home again.

But the return did not lead him to rule out other possibilities. “We kept our place of displacement in Mount Lebanon as it is, in case of any new developments. It is true that we returned and settled in the southern suburbs, but no one feels that conditions have become fully settled,” he said.

Shehab said the feeling of insecurity was no longer tied to one particular area. “The southern suburbs today appear relatively spared, but insecurity has become a general condition people feel wherever they are.”

Return does not end displacement

By contrast, Umm Hassan Harqous and her family have not yet decided to return fully. The family still moves between the southern suburbs and Bchamoun, where they are currently displaced.

She said she goes down to the suburbs during the day and leaves before sunset, because, for her, returning does not simply mean opening the house door for a few hours.

She explained that the reasons for delaying the return are not only security concerns but also the loss of the source of income on which the family had depended. The grocery shop that had provided its main income became a means of survival during the war, after the family relied on the food items inside it during the displacement period.

“We lived on what was in the shop, and we gradually consumed its contents during the war so we could continue,” she said.

“How can a person return and settle if their very source of livelihood has stopped? Return is not just about a home. People need work and a life they can sustain,” she added.

She said members of her family had also suffered professional and livelihood losses, making the decision to return fully more difficult.

Institutions wait, individuals return

Sawsan Ammar, a teacher at a school in Beirut’s southern suburbs, said schools located deep inside the suburbs, including the one where she works, have not yet reopened due to concerns about the safety of students and teaching staff.

“There is no need to take risks while instability continues,” she said.

She noted that educational institutions differ by nature from individual businesses. “It is not about one person making a decision for themselves, but about hundreds of students and employees.”

Home is less harsh than displacement

On the other side, Hassan Maatouk sums up another aspect of the scene. The man, who had been living with his family in a school designated for displaced people, decided to return home despite realizing that fears remain.

“Returning home, even with a relative risk, remains better than staying in a state of continuous displacement,” he said.

He added that the long period of displacement had left a deep psychological impact. “When a person lives for a long time outside their home, they feel as if they are living a temporary life, as if they are a guest in a place that is not theirs.”

“No one can say they returned because they are no longer afraid, but people grow tired of the life of waiting itself,” he said.

 



Kfara Facility Raises New Questions Over Military Site Verification in Southern Lebanon

Vehicles pass damaged buildings near a Lebanese army checkpoint in the southern Lebanese town of Kafra on June 15, 2026 (AFP)
Vehicles pass damaged buildings near a Lebanese army checkpoint in the southern Lebanese town of Kafra on June 15, 2026 (AFP)
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Kfara Facility Raises New Questions Over Military Site Verification in Southern Lebanon

Vehicles pass damaged buildings near a Lebanese army checkpoint in the southern Lebanese town of Kafra on June 15, 2026 (AFP)
Vehicles pass damaged buildings near a Lebanese army checkpoint in the southern Lebanese town of Kafra on June 15, 2026 (AFP)

Israel's claim that Hezbollah has resumed military activity at a facility in southern Lebanon previously entered by the Lebanese army has renewed questions over how military sites south of the Litani River are secured and whether measures are in place to prevent their reuse.

The allegation, involving a facility in the town of Kafra, came as US-sponsored military talks were set to take place in Tampa, Florida, on Tuesday and Wednesday, focusing on security provisions of the "framework agreement" between Lebanon and Israel.

Israeli allegations raise questions over verification

Israeli military spokesperson Ella Waweya said the Lebanese army was asked through a US monitoring mechanism in December 2025 to address a facility in Kafra allegedly used by Hezbollah to store weapons.

The Lebanese army said it had taken the necessary measures, but Hezbollah continued using the site and moving equipment out, according to Waweya.

She released footage purportedly showing Hezbollah members loading weapons onto a truck later targeted by Israeli forces.

The Israeli statement also accused individuals within the Lebanese army of coordinating with Hezbollah, enabling the group to remove military equipment before security measures could be carried out.

Neither the allegations nor the date of the footage could be independently verified. There was no immediate Lebanese response.

Israeli claims aim to pressure army, reset negotiations: Expert

Retired Brigadier General Dr. Khalil Helou said the timing of Israel's announcement, just hours before the Tampa talks, was calculated to pressure the Lebanese army, undermine confidence in its capabilities and force additional conditions that could send negotiations back to square one.

"Israel uses such announcements at carefully chosen political and military moments, regardless of the nature or scale of the reported activity," Helou told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He said Israeli claims about Hezbollah movements often coincide with negotiations or Lebanese army deployments, portraying the military as incapable of fulfilling its responsibilities.

"The Israelis know perfectly well that this is not true," he said, accusing Israel itself of obstructing the army's effective deployment in the south.

Helou pointed to the town of Zawtar, where he said the Lebanese army was deployed in the western sector while Israeli forces operated in the east.

"Israeli forces are carrying out explosions and demolitions, and whenever the Lebanese army moves, it comes under attack or shelling near its positions," he said.

He argued that Israel continued to behave as though the war had not ended, linking that stance to Israeli elections and calls by some ministers to annex Lebanese territory.

Helou also cited tunnels dug by Hezbollah between 2014 and 2018, saying Israel had known about them before publicly revealing their existence.

"The timing of Israeli statements and announcements carries political and military significance. No announcement can be viewed in isolation from the circumstances surrounding it," he said.

Footage could become leverage for tougher withdrawal terms

Retired Brigadier General Khaled Hamadeh also questioned the timing of the Israeli announcement, saying it was intended to put pressure on Lebanon's negotiating delegation.

He said Israel could use the footage to demand stricter verification measures to ensure southern areas are free of Hezbollah's military presence, while making its withdrawal conditional on security guarantees that could prolong the occupation.

For Hamadeh, the crucial question is not simply what the images show, but when they were taken and whether they reflect current conditions.

"Are these recent images or do they date back to an earlier period? Were they taken today or during the previous war? We cannot say for certain without verifying their timing and content," he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He said the Lebanese army might be unable to definitively confirm or refute Israel's account, particularly if it had no presence in the area or could not gain access to verify conditions on the ground.

"If the Lebanese army has declared control over the area south of the Litani, and Israel then says Hezbollah is still operating militarily from a facility in Kafra, Israel will use that to challenge the effectiveness of Lebanese measures," Hamadeh said.

"It will argue that the declared control has failed to prevent Hezbollah from continuing its military activity."

Hamadeh doubted Hezbollah was preparing to launch another war from the area, but warned that Israel could exploit the allegations, regardless of their accuracy, to reopen negotiations over verification procedures and demand further guarantees before withdrawing.

"I do not believe Hezbollah intends to launch a new war from this area. The problem is how Israel uses this information, regardless of whether it is accurate, to reopen the debate over verification measures and demand additional guarantees before withdrawing," he said.

The absence of a trusted, mutually agreed verification body, he argued, gives Israel considerable room to maneuver.

Israel could cite continuing Hezbollah military activity to justify refusing to withdraw, while Lebanon lacks sufficient leverage to compel it to honor its commitments.

Hamadeh warned that tying withdrawal to further security demands could revive proposals for a drawn-out timetable.

"The agreement reached is supposed to lead to an Israeli withdrawal from Lebanese territory," he said.

"But giving Israel additional pretexts could reopen the door to a prolonged, phased withdrawal, potentially stretching over five years, on the grounds that the Lebanese state needs enough time to dismantle Hezbollah's military infrastructure and confiscate its weapons."


Iraq Threatens Crackdown on Opponents of Disarmament Plan

 Iraqi armed factions set conditions for bringing weapons under state control (X)
Iraqi armed factions set conditions for bringing weapons under state control (X)
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Iraq Threatens Crackdown on Opponents of Disarmament Plan

 Iraqi armed factions set conditions for bringing weapons under state control (X)
Iraqi armed factions set conditions for bringing weapons under state control (X)

Iraq's government and parliament have threatened legal action against opponents of a plan to bring all weapons under state control, even as Türkiye ruled out withdrawing its troops from Iraq until regional and border security conditions are met.

Baghdad says the disarmament plan will take effect after the withdrawal of international coalition forces.

The ruling Coordination Framework alliance reaffirmed its commitment to resolving the issue of weapons outside state control by June 30, 2027, authorizing the government to "take steps to ensure compliance," according to a statement issued Monday evening.

The renewed push comes just days after a new cabinet was formed, with several political groups that maintain armed factions securing ministerial posts.

Among them is Asaib Ahl al-Haq, which landed the deputy prime minister's post, potentially reinforcing reports that Washington had given such groups a "green light" to join the government in exchange for laying down their arms.

Sources close to the armed factions said most now acknowledge the need for disarmament after securing influential positions in government and parliament. Kataib Hezbollah, however, remains opposed.

Criminal charges threatened

The government has ordered state institutions to enforce the law and pursue criminal complaints against anyone who incites opposition through the media or seeks to obstruct decisions to place weapons exclusively under state control.

In a statement, the prime minister's media office said freedom of expression and media activity, while guaranteed by the constitution and law, must operate within legal boundaries and respect public order and citizens' rights.

Such freedoms, it warned, cannot be used to incite violence or internal conflict, support weapons outside state control or back outlawed groups.

The warning appeared directed at armed faction spokespeople and supporters who have repeatedly mocked or rejected government disarmament announcements on television, in public statements and through online posts.

Activists close to Kataib Hezbollah have openly opposed disarmament, as has Kazem al-Fartousi, spokesman for Kataib Sayyid al-Shuhada. Their objections have frequently been accompanied by sharp criticism of Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi.

The government said it had instructed all institutions to pursue criminal complaints against anyone involved in media incitement or efforts to derail state decisions on weapons control.

It cited Iraq's constitution and Articles 2 and 4 of Anti-Terrorism Law No. 13 of 2005 as the legal basis for the measures.

The statement also pointed to a Supreme Judicial Council position that using, supporting or threatening to use weapons outside state authority falls under the anti-terrorism law.

Parliament backs crackdown

Parliament Speaker Haibat al-Halbousi threw his support behind the government's legal measures, saying they were necessary to preserve civil peace, enforce the law and bring all weapons under state control.

Halbousi stressed that constitutionally protected freedoms of expression and media activity must be balanced against legal and professional obligations.

Those freedoms, he said, must not become a cover for inciting violence, fueling internal conflict or supporting weapons beyond state authority.

He backed holding accountable anyone proven to have incited violence or threatened public security and national stability, while emphasizing that enforcement must respect constitutional rights, legal safeguards and the principle of equal treatment under the law.

Security agencies step up scrutiny

Iraq's security agencies have identified cases of incitement and calls to obstruct disarmament decisions, according to Saad Maan, head of the country's Security Media Cell.

Speaking to the official Iraqi News Agency, Maan said specialized units within the office of the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, the Iraqi National Intelligence Service, the National Security Service and the Interior Ministry were monitoring and analyzing such activity.

He stressed that no action would be taken without judicial authorization.

Maan said directives from the commander-in-chief called for pursuing those who incite violence or support weapons outside state control, describing the measures as essential to maintaining long-term security amid regional and global turmoil.

Freedom of expression and media activity remain constitutionally protected, he said, but those protections do not extend to stirring chaos, tensions or unrest.

Asked where authorities draw the line between free expression and punishable media incitement, Maan said criminal liability depends on the applicable law and whether the elements of an offense are established.

Any prosecution, he added, must remain under judicial authority.

Türkiye stands firm on troop presence

Meanwhile, Turkish Defense Minister Yasar Guler said Ankara would keep its forces in Iraq and Syria until it was satisfied that security along its borders with both countries was fully guaranteed.

Türkiye "maintains its military presence in Iraq and Syria," Agence France-Presse quoted Guler as saying.

"Once we are certain that the necessary conditions regarding regional and border security have been met, the status of our deployments and presence in the region will be reviewed," he added.

The statement highlights a key obstacle to Iraq's disarmament plan: Iraqi armed factions had made the withdrawal of Turkish troops one of their conditions for agreeing to the initiative during negotiations with the Coordination Framework.

On October 14, Sabah al-Numan, spokesman for the commander-in-chief of Iraq's armed forces, suggested the issue of Turkish troops in northern Iraq could be resolved within three months.

Turkish forces are stationed at the Zilkan base in the mountainous Bashiqa district, about 30 kilometers (19 miles) northeast of Mosul, and at numerous other positions near the shared border.

Local reports put the number of Turkish checkpoints inside Iraqi territory and along the border at around 130.

In September, Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi met Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in New York.

The talks produced an agreement for a "gradual evacuation" of Turkish forces from the Zilkan base, scheduled to begin officially on October 1, with control to pass to Baghdad under an agreed timetable and mechanism.

But Ankara has long tied any withdrawal to Baghdad's progress in securing Sinjar district in northern Nineveh province.

Türkiye demands that Iraqi authorities establish control over the district and expel armed groups, particularly wings of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) that have not complied with the decision to dissolve the party and surrender weapons, announced by its leader Abdullah Ocalan in late February 2025.


15 Years After Gaddafi's Death, Supporters Struggle to Find Political ‘Heir’

Late Libyan leader Muammar al-Gaddafi. (Reuters)
Late Libyan leader Muammar al-Gaddafi. (Reuters)
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15 Years After Gaddafi's Death, Supporters Struggle to Find Political ‘Heir’

Late Libyan leader Muammar al-Gaddafi. (Reuters)
Late Libyan leader Muammar al-Gaddafi. (Reuters)

Fifteen years after the killing of Libyan leader Muammar al-Gaddafi, his supporters are still searching for a political heir, with the assassination of his son Saif al-Islam last February extinguishing hopes of a comeback that had grown since his ill-fated presidential bid in 2021.

Gaddafi was captured by opposition fighters in the city of Misrata on Oct. 20, 2011, before being killed as his rule of more than four decades came to an end. His downfall left a political vacuum among loyalists who later rallied around Saif al-Islam as the most prominent face of the former regime.

Hopes of a political revival gained momentum when Saif al-Islam announced his presidential candidacy in November 2021. But the elections never took place, and his assassination in Zintan in February reopened the question of succession, leaving the movement without a figure capable of uniting its supporters.

Political analyst Hossam Fenaish told Asharq Al-Awsat that Gaddafi loyalists were searching for a successor, with attention turning to his surviving children Aisha, Al-Saadi and Mohammed. Hannibal, he said, appeared to have the weakest prospects. Two other sons, Khamis and Saif al-Arab, were killed during the 2011 uprising.

Saif al-Islam Gaddafi in November 2011. (Reuters)

The most notable shift came in September, when supporters of the former regime began promoting Aisha Gaddafi on social media as a possible contender.

Their campaign drew on an open online poll that reportedly put her more than 30,000 votes ahead of her nearest rival. But there was no verified information on the number of participants or whether the results reflected wider public opinion.

Aqila Dalhoum, head of the media and human rights team at the National Truth Committee investigating Saif al-Islam's killing, backed the idea. He said the poll reflected both the Gaddafi family's enduring symbolic appeal among some Libyans and frustration over the country's political, economic and living crises.

Aisha, however, has largely stayed out of public politics. She lives in Oman with her brother Mohammed and has turned to visual art, exhibiting works depicting her father and brother Mutassim at Moscow's State Museum of Oriental Art in 2024, followed by an exhibition in Muscat this year.

Yet enthusiasm for her possible candidacy is far from unanimous.

Two prominent former regime figures declined to comment on calls for her to run. One questioned whether such discussions were premature.

"Where are the presidential elections at this point, given the stalled political process in Libya?" he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

A former Libyan army spokesman also played down the campaign, saying it reflected individual initiatives rather than a collective decision by Gaddafi loyalists.

No candidate had secured a consensus, he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

"Aisha is a Libyan citizen who has the right to run for office like anyone else," he said. "Choosing a representative of the former regime's supporters begins with a family decision, followed by consultations within the movement. The final say then rests with voters."

Hannibal Gaddafi. (Reuters file)

Aisha is not the only Gaddafi family member whose name has surfaced.

Supporters have also floated Al-Saadi Gaddafi, who lives in Türkiye, as a possible contender. But he publicly ruled out a political role in June, saying in a post on X that he had no intention of entering politics, contesting elections or backing any faction.

Instead, he said he wanted to live an ordinary life devoted to learning and wished success to whoever Libyans chose to lead the country.

Al-Saadi was freed from a Tripoli prison in 2021 after spending years in detention following his extradition from Niger in March 2014 over allegations linked to the crackdown on the 2011 uprising.

Attention has also turned to Mohammed Gaddafi, the former leader's eldest son from his first wife, Fathia Nuri Khalid.

Mohammed resurfaced on social media after Saif al-Islam's assassination, pressing for the findings of the murder investigation to be made public.

Last month, he raised questions about a suspected sabotage cell apprehended in Tripoli and its possible links to the assassination, urging relevant international organizations to investigate and uncover the circumstances of the killing.

Pages aligned with the former regime have since touted Mohammed as another potential successor.

One page, "Gaddafi Speaks," portrayed him as a man suited to a time when Libyans are seeking a strong, independent state. Blogger Ahmed Faraj also voiced support for him as a future candidate.

But activist Rania Gaddafi dismissed suggestions that Mohammed was preparing to enter politics as rumors.

Al-Saadi Gaddafi. (Al-Saadi Gaddafi on Facebook)

She said he had no interest in running for election or holding office, and was concerned only with seeing Libya regain security, stability and national unity.

Born in 1970, Mohammed previously headed the Libyan Olympic Committee and chaired the board of the General Posts and Telecommunications Company.

Hannibal Gaddafi, meanwhile, remains entangled in one of the family's most complicated chapters, far from Libya's political stage.

He spent about a decade in detention in Lebanon in connection with the 1978 disappearance of Lebanese cleric and politician Musa al-Sadr and his two companions before his release.

Feneish said Hannibal appeared to be out f the running for now.

But beyond the competing names, some Gaddafi loyalists reject the idea that his political legacy belongs to any single family member. They argue that the former leader left behind not a conventional political inheritance but a set of national and pan-Arab values and principles.

Libyan writer and researcher Mustafa al-Fetouri, a supporter of the former regime, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the question of succession went beyond the Gaddafi family.

"Anyone who believes in those principles can be his heir, beyond his family and children," he said.