US Proposes 90-Day Sudan Truce Followed by talks

Massad Boulos expresses concern over conditions in El Obeid (File photo: AFP)
Massad Boulos expresses concern over conditions in El Obeid (File photo: AFP)
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US Proposes 90-Day Sudan Truce Followed by talks

Massad Boulos expresses concern over conditions in El Obeid (File photo: AFP)
Massad Boulos expresses concern over conditions in El Obeid (File photo: AFP)

The leak of documents exchanged between the US administration and Sudan’s government has revived hopes of a humanitarian truce while raising questions over whether the country is closer to ending the war or facing another failed peace initiative.

Reuters quoted senior Sudanese officials as confirming the contents of the leaked documents, which showed broad agreement on the proposal’s general principles but a fundamental dispute over the future of the Rapid Support Forces deployed in cities.

The Sudanese government conditionally accepted the idea of a truce, while US statements initially suggested Khartoum had rejected the proposal before later describing it as having accepted it. A final agreement, however, remains out of reach.

According to Reuters, the United States proposed an immediate 90-day humanitarian truce to allow aid deliveries, strengthen civilian protection and pave the way for negotiations on a permanent ceasefire, followed by a civilian-led political transition and elections.

The army-led Sudanese government made its approval conditional on the RSF’s withdrawal from all cities it has controlled since May 11, 2023, rather than carrying out the limited withdrawals stipulated in the US proposal.

A document attributed to the Sudanese government and dated June 25 showed agreement with several key principles, including recognition that there was no military solution to the conflict, a nationwide truce and the formation of a US-led coordination committee including the United Nations, the African Union and the Arab League.

It also proposed a UN mechanism to oversee and monitor implementation, guarantee humanitarian access and protect civilians.

The Sudanese response, however, demanded that the RSF withdraw from all cities under its control. Subsequent security arrangements would include the withdrawal, demobilization, disarmament and reintegration of RSF personnel under UN supervision.

The Sudanese Armed Forces would remain the country’s unified national army, with other military formations incorporated into it.

The dispute may appear limited to one provision, but it goes to the core of the initiative.

The US proposal calls for an immediate ceasefire followed by limited withdrawals and troop redeployments to facilitate aid access, particularly in North Darfur and North Kordofan. Broader military arrangements would be negotiated later as part of a permanent ceasefire.

The Sudanese response instead makes a complete RSF withdrawal from cities and a change in the military control map a precondition for the truce.

The two sides also differ over the future army. The US initiative calls for a unified national military accountable to an independent, elected civilian government, while the Sudanese response links the armed forces to the Sudanese government.

Reuters also said the US proposal called for excluding the Muslim Brotherhood and militia members accused of serious abuses. The Sudanese document used the broader term “violent extremist groups” without naming specific organizations.

At a UN Security Council meeting on June 26, Massad Boulos, senior adviser to the US president on Arab and African affairs, said Sudan’s Sovereignty Council had rejected the latest version of the proposal.

After Sudan’s representative said Sovereignty Council Chairman Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan had submitted a response including a withdrawal timetable and a peace plan, Boulos welcomed what he described as Burhan’s acceptance of the initiative.

“I am pleased to hear that Burhan has apparently accepted the latest peace proposal rather than rejected it,” Boulos said.

He added that the initiative had been prepared in consultation with Sudan’s foreign minister and members of the Sovereignty Council, coordinated with Egypt and welcomed by Saudi Arabia.

The difference appears to reflect conflicting interpretations of acceptance rather than an outright rejection.

Khartoum regards its approval of the general framework, subject to an RSF withdrawal, as conditional acceptance. Washington views that condition as altering the substance of its proposal, which is based on an immediate ceasefire without preconditions.

The two sides, therefore, remain far from agreeing on a final formula.

In a public appearance in Omdurman on Friday, Burhan did not say whether he accepted or rejected the initiative and did not disclose the substance of his government’s response.

Addressing worshippers, he said the armed forces would not accept arrangements imposed upon them or any arrangement that failed to achieve security and peace for the Sudanese people. He said military operations would continue until those he described as “aggressors and rebels” were defeated.

The leak coincided with controversy over an undisclosed meeting reportedly held in Cairo between Sovereignty Council member Shams al-Din Kabbashi and Boulos.

One account said Kabbashi met Boulos without Burhan’s knowledge and did not brief him on the discussions. Al Arabiya cited sources close to Kabbashi as saying the meeting took place at Boulos’ request, with Burhan’s knowledge, and that Burhan was informed of what was discussed.

Neither the Sudanese nor the US side has officially confirmed either account.

Khalid Omar Youssef, a senior figure in the Civil Democratic Alliance of Revolutionary Forces, known as Somoud, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the quartet’s roadmap was “the most important, comprehensive and well-structured initiative.”

He ruled out an imminent breakthrough unless pressure increased on the party obstructing the truce.

RSF position

The RSF has not issued an official statement on the US initiative or the response attributed to the army.

A senior RSF official, who requested anonymity, told Reuters that the force had received the proposal, welcomed it and submitted a written response, without disclosing its contents or its position on withdrawal.

Another senior RSF source told Asharq Al-Awsat that withdrawal from cities under the force’s control was “not open for discussion.”

Any truce should freeze both sides’ positions, the source said, while redeployment and disarmament should be addressed in negotiations on a permanent ceasefire.

Political analyst Mohammed Latif said US and regional pressure, the worsening humanitarian crisis, growing doubts among the sides’ regional backers over the possibility of a military victory, rising civilian demands and fears of Sudan’s division and institutional collapse could improve the prospects for a truce.

He warned, however, that fighting in strategically important areas, disputes over monitoring and concerns that a truce could be used for recruitment, rearmament or military repositioning could undermine the initiative.

Latif also said the widespread deployment of forces made it difficult for both leaderships to control all fighting formations, meaning that a limited violation by a small group could bring an agreement down.

Domestic and foreign actors benefiting from the war could also derail a truce that conflicted with their interests, he said.

The available information suggests Sudan has entered a more substantive negotiating phase involving written proposals, official responses, continuing contacts and growing international pressure.

But an end to the war does not appear imminent.

The army insists that an RSF withdrawal from cities must be a condition for a truce, while the RSF has not formally stated its position, although unofficial indications suggest it rejects the demand.

Sudan, therefore, appears closer to a more serious round of negotiations than to a final ceasefire agreement.

Success will depend on whether mediators can reach a phased formula for withdrawals, establish enforceable monitoring mechanisms and persuade both sides to accept a truce that gives neither an advanced military or political advantage.



Baghdad Suspects Israel Targeted Chinese Air Defense Systems Held by Iraqi Factions

An image taken from a video released by Iraqi factions showing a drone they used in an attack on a US base.
An image taken from a video released by Iraqi factions showing a drone they used in an attack on a US base.
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Baghdad Suspects Israel Targeted Chinese Air Defense Systems Held by Iraqi Factions

An image taken from a video released by Iraqi factions showing a drone they used in an attack on a US base.
An image taken from a video released by Iraqi factions showing a drone they used in an attack on a US base.

Sources said Baghdad suspects that two sites storing Chinese-made man-portable air defense systems were targeted in airstrikes last week, as officials examine an intelligence assessment suggesting that the US-Israeli war against Iran may have already resumed, even before the official start of hostilities, but on Iraqi soil.

On October 17, the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) announced that it had contained a fire caused by an explosion at a stockpile of damaged ammunition inside one of its facilities in the East Canal area of Baghdad. It said five people sustained minor injuries and that an investigation was underway to determine the circumstances of the incident.

More than a week has passed without the findings of the investigation being announced. However, an Iraqi government official who was not authorized to speak publicly said the relevant authorities were still examining the circumstances of the explosion.

Chinese Air Defense Systems

Sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the two sites were suspected of having come under attack, destroying a large shipment of Chinese-made air defense systems that had recently arrived from Iran and been transferred to Iraqi factions loyal to Tehran.

One source explained that "the armed faction that selected the site to store the air defense systems believed it would be extremely difficult to access or detect."

The source added that "the suspected attack occurred shortly after the shipments arrived at the two storage sites."

Another source revealed that the explosion followed a series of blasts that began on October 1 and targeted warehouses belonging to armed factions in various areas around Baghdad, including facilities storing drones designed for suicide attacks and reconnaissance.

According to the sources, several armed factions have been actively transferring advanced air defense systems and drones from Iran to Iraq over the past few weeks and storing them at facilities under their control.

Unconfirmed reports had suggested that secret shipments from China to Iran included heat-seeking man-portable air defense systems designed to counter low-flying aircraft, including helicopters and drones.

On July 28, China's Foreign Ministry categorically denied reports of deals involving the sale or shipment of Chinese-made missiles and air defense systems to Iran.

Repositioning

The factions' activities coincided with the participation of several of them in the government led by Ali al-Zaidi, following reports that US approval had enabled their inclusion after they were granted an extension until June 30, 2027, to comply with a deadline for bringing weapons under state control.

Two people close to the leader of an armed faction told Asharq Al-Awsat that "Iran-aligned groups were exploiting the declared truce with the Americans to reposition themselves and transfer strategic weapons."

Israel May Be Behind the Attack

It remains unclear how the strikes were carried out, whether by fighter jets or drones.

Conflicting reports have described sorties by Israeli fighter jets, supported by aerial refueling aircraft, through Iraqi airspace near the Iranian border. However, this information has not been independently confirmed.

A security official told Asharq Al-Awsat that authorities in Baghdad had sufficient grounds to believe Israel was behind the strikes on the warehouses, although they had yet to determine how the attacks were conducted.

An Iraqi official said the government was focused on investigating the incident because of the extensive damage inflicted on the two sites and surrounding areas.

The official confirmed that the government did not yet possess conclusive information identifying those responsible for the attack.

He added that Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi and senior military commanders were working to gather further information about the strikes and determine whether they were linked to reports of Israeli violations of Iraqi airspace that began after the withdrawal of coalition forces on September 30, 2026.

The information, including reports that the air defense systems had reached Iraq, could not be independently verified.

Asharq Al-Awsat sought comment from the Iraqi government spokesperson and security media officials regarding the strikes, the extent of the damage and whether investigators had uncovered evidence identifying those responsible. No response had been received by the time this report was prepared.

The War May Have Already Begun

A senior political adviser said the attack reflected an assessment within Iraqi intelligence circles that the resumption of the US-Israeli war against Iran may already have begun, albeit quietly and without an official announcement, on Iraqi territory.

According to this assessment, the operation involves targeting the supply lines of armed factions and disrupting weapons shipments to prevent them from participating in any renewed regional confrontation.

A senior figure in the Coordination Framework said leaders of ruling political parties had believed for weeks that a renewed war between Washington and Tehran would begin with the complete destruction of the military capabilities of Iraqi armed factions.

Iraqi factions placed particular emphasis on violations of Iraqi airspace when a truce was announced in conjunction with the withdrawal of US forces.

On September 30, the secretary-general of Kataib Hezbollah announced the group's commitment to suspending military operations but excluded what he described as "attacks involving aircraft and hostile violations of airspace" until government air defenses were fully established.

On Saturday, the group calling itself the Islamic Resistance in Iraq said it had "documented 171 violations of Iraqi airspace by combat and reconnaissance aircraft since the beginning of October 2026."

The Coordination Framework official told Asharq Al-Awsat that Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps officials had instructed leaders of Iraqi armed factions to step up preparations to establish a defensive line "against hostile combat aircraft."


Israeli Forces Displace Hebron Families after Deadly Attack

This picture shows empty residential buildings after the Israeli army forced Palestinians to evacuate the Ein Deir Baha neighborhood in occupied West Bank city of Hebron on October 24, 2026. (Photo by JOHN WESSELS / AFP)
This picture shows empty residential buildings after the Israeli army forced Palestinians to evacuate the Ein Deir Baha neighborhood in occupied West Bank city of Hebron on October 24, 2026. (Photo by JOHN WESSELS / AFP)
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Israeli Forces Displace Hebron Families after Deadly Attack

This picture shows empty residential buildings after the Israeli army forced Palestinians to evacuate the Ein Deir Baha neighborhood in occupied West Bank city of Hebron on October 24, 2026. (Photo by JOHN WESSELS / AFP)
This picture shows empty residential buildings after the Israeli army forced Palestinians to evacuate the Ein Deir Baha neighborhood in occupied West Bank city of Hebron on October 24, 2026. (Photo by JOHN WESSELS / AFP)

Israeli forces pushed into the occupied West Bank city of Hebron on Saturday and displaced around 250 families, some in the middle of the night, vowing to exact a heavy price for a deadly attack on soldiers.

The Palestinian Authority called for international pressure on Israel to protect residents, who said soldiers announced the evacuations over loudspeakers late at night as they packed what they could and left.

Days before tight elections, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said he was planning an operation on a scale not seen since Israel first occupied the West Bank in 1967, after Palestinian militants killed two Israeli soldiers on Friday at a checkpoint.

In the Hebron neighbourhood of Ein Deir Baha, nestled between two hills, vacated buildings were marked by X's and the streets were deserted, save a pair of Israeli military vehicles. Israeli flags were draped on a house on the slope apparently taken over by troops.

Higazi Shawer al-Tamimi, 70, a shopkeeper who sells live chickens and feed and plays a leadership role in the neighbourhood, said he was awakened at 1:00 am by soldiers and a senior officer who said he had to leave.

"I asked them how long the evacuation would last. They said: 'Until further notice.'"

He told AFP he had only short time to pack, adding that for some residents, getting out of the neighbourhood was an ordeal.

"For example, my wife's mother, who is 90 years old and lives in the area, had to be carried out because she is ill," he said.

- 'Why should I be displaced?' -

To Tamimi, this is only happening because Netanyahu wants to win the election on "the blood of the Palestinian people".

He said people were not going anywhere. "I have lived through all the stages of the occupation, and I will die here."

The Palestinian Authority said it was mobilising its diplomats to seek "urgent international action that goes beyond condemnation" to prevent forced displacement.

Tamimi's brother, Khaled Shawer al-Tamimi, 68, was staying with his son after the evacuation order.

"The army was announcing through loudspeakers: 'Leave the area.' So we left."

He told AFP he was surprised to hear Friday's assailants came from the neighbourhood, which he described as middle-class and law-abiding.

"We have never seen or even heard a single gunshot being fired," he said from his son's sitting room as children flitted about.

"Why should I be displaced from my house?" he continued. The attackers "are the ones who carried out the act, and if the Israeli government wants to punish them, it can punish them."

Israeli forces have already demolished some buildings in the immediate vicinity of where the attack took place, and the Tamimis said they did not know if their homes would meet the same fate.

Hebron governor Khaled Dudin told AFP the army started in the attackers' neighbourhood "but there is no guarantee that the operation will not expand", calling it a form of "collective punishment".

The governor said 150 families had been affected, while Hebron mayor Youssef al-Jaabari and local activist Issa Amro put the figure at 250.

- Netanyahu promises PA 'surprise' -

The Israeli military said it was "conducting precise, targeted and thorough searches" focused on the area of the two gunmen, who were both killed in a firefight. It added that the operation would last several days.

But Netanyahu suggested that bigger action was coming.

Asked if he agreed with the idea of dismantling the Palestinian Authority, as has been suggested by his far-right national security minister Itamar Ben Gvir, Netanyahu referred to Israeli military operations in Gaza, Lebanon, Syria and Iran.

"We transformed the Middle East," he said, repeating a common campaign refrain, in an interview with i24News.

"There is a very big surprise for the Palestinian Authority as well."

There is no evidence that the Palestinian Authority had any involvement in Friday's attack.

Netanyahu has linked the assailants to Hamas, the militant group in Gaza that carried out the October 7, 2023 attack, the deadliest in Israel's history.

Hamas, while not claiming credit, hailed Friday's attack on soldiers and called on Palestinians to carry out more.

The attack came amid rising tensions in the West Bank as Israeli settlers, who enjoy strong support from Netanyahu's far-right allies, ramp up seizures of Palestinian land and attacks.

Rights group Yesh Din reported 672 incidents of settler violence over the past 26 days, nearly half related to the annual olive harvest.

Polls show Netanyahu is neck and neck with an opposition bloc led by Gadi Eisenkot, a centre-right former military chief who also opposes a Palestinian state but has promised to crack down on settler violence.

 


Hezbollah Renews Pledge Not to Intervene in Support of Tehran

Lebanese Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri during a session to discuss the government (National News Agency)
Lebanese Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri during a session to discuss the government (National News Agency)
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Hezbollah Renews Pledge Not to Intervene in Support of Tehran

Lebanese Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri during a session to discuss the government (National News Agency)
Lebanese Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri during a session to discuss the government (National News Agency)

Lebanese are watching closely to see how Hezbollah will respond if US President Donald Trump follows through on his threat to launch a "devastating" military strike against Iran after the US midterm elections.

The question is whether the Lebanese group will honor its pledge not to intervene in support of Tehran this time or repeat what happened last March, when it fired six rockets at Israel in retaliation for the assassination of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, despite having previously assured Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri that it would stay out of the conflict.

Hezbollah Will Not Intervene to Support Iran

Asharq Al-Awsat has learned that Hezbollah has once again informed Berri that it will not intervene in support of Iran if war breaks out. Berri subsequently conveyed this assurance to President Joseph Aoun.

Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Saeed Khatibzadeh also told a group of lawmakers aligned with the Shiite duo during his recent visit to Beirut that Tehran would not ask Hezbollah to intervene if the United States attacked Iran in accordance with Trump's threat.

He said Iran was capable of defending itself and had "made considerable progress in preparing to prevent the attack from achieving its objectives."

Lebanese parliamentary sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that Khatibzadeh "was clear that Iran would not seek Hezbollah's assistance given the imbalance of power between the group and Israel, since its intervention would not change the course of the confrontation."

The sources said Khatibzadeh told the lawmakers that Iran understood the delicate situation in Lebanon and had no intention of asking Hezbollah to involve itself in an unequal confrontation.

They pointed to a US warning conveyed to Aoun during a telephone call with Secretary of State Marco Rubio, which the Lebanese president subsequently relayed to Berri and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam.

The sources said Hezbollah could not afford the consequences of a backlash from its own support base, prompting it to exercise caution and align itself with Berri's position.

The group would be unable to absorb another wave of displacement resulting from Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz's threat to expand the security zone in southern Lebanon, potentially extending attacks to Beirut's southern suburbs and displacing approximately one million Shiites.

Hezbollah is already struggling to accommodate displaced residents, providing financial assistance to ease the pressures they face.

The sources stressed that the broader Shiite community would not remain silent if Hezbollah decided to intervene for a second time in support of Iran, as it did last March in violation of its pledge to Berri.

That reversal embarrassed Berri in his dealings with Aoun and Salam, after he had assured both leaders that Hezbollah would not intervene.

Berri had based those assurances on a message from Hezbollah Secretary-General Naim Qassem, conveyed through regular communication between Qassem's political aide, Hussein Khalil, and Berri's political adviser, MP Ali Hassan Khalil.

Intervention Would Trigger a Crisis Within the Shiite Duo

The sources said Qassem's failure to honor his commitment not to intervene had created a crisis of confidence within the Shiite duo, the alliance between Hezbollah and Berri's Amal Movement.

The dispute became public and raised legitimate questions about who actually makes decisions within Hezbollah and whether the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps holds the ultimate authority, given its influence inside the group.

They noted that Hezbollah's leadership had initially informed the relevant parties, particularly Berri, that the group had nothing to do with the rocket launches.

However, it refrained from issuing a public statement to that effect, which could have enabled Washington to intervene with Israel to prevent a retaliatory response.

The sources added that although Hezbollah's leadership had avoided issuing a statement, Berri was surprised when the group's military media office released an announcement claiming responsibility for the rockets in retaliation for Israel's assassination of the elder Khamenei.

Israel subsequently expanded its occupation to include territory south of the Litani River, extending toward Beaufort Castle and the surrounding towns.

No Direct Communication Between Berri and Qassem

The sources also reflected on Berri's remarks that his relationship with Hezbollah had been closer under its former secretary-general, Hassan Nasrallah, and that there was neither an older nor a younger brother in the relationship.

They said Berri had maintained direct communication with Nasrallah, who possessed the ability to intervene with Iran's leadership and secure a response to Berri's concerns about developments in Lebanon and the regional axis of resistance.

The sources explained that Lebanon's current security conditions, particularly the increasing number of Israeli assassinations targeting Hezbollah's political and military leaders, do not permit direct communication between Berri and Qassem.

Instead, communication takes place daily through their respective aides.

This has prevented the relationship from developing the level of personal political chemistry needed to contain emerging disagreements, unlike the relationship that existed between Berri and Nasrallah.

Political Coexistence Within the Shiite Duo

According to the sources, relations between the two pillars of the Shiite duo are governed by a form of political coexistence, or cohabitation, in which both sides maintain their differences while seeking to prevent clashes between their supporters, although such confrontations have occasionally occurred.

The sources said Berri's remarks about his relationship with Hezbollah were also directed at other political forces, encouraging them to meet him halfway rather than treating the Shiite duo as a single political party with which compromise is impossible.

They quoted Berri as telling visitors that Lebanon currently faces two enemies: Israeli occupation and sectarianism.

This, they said, explains his continued emphasis on strengthening domestic stability, avoiding inflammatory rhetoric, preventing divisions among Lebanese communities and addressing the public in a moderate tone.

Berri opposes attempts by political factions to score points against the Shiite duo under the pretext that settling political scores with the alliance is necessary.

Visitors quoted him as saying that resisting Israeli occupation, which could be prolonged, requires all parties to meet halfway and focus on strengthening the domestic front by prioritizing national unity.

That, he argued, requires everyone to move away from the sectarian rhetoric that dominates political discourse.

According to the sources, Berri differs from Hezbollah in both words and actions.

He serves as a political pillar supporting the government's survival and continuity and has not hesitated to intervene when necessary to preserve civil peace, which he considers a red line, alongside the military institution.

This explains his insistence on rejecting the use of street protests to bring down the government, as well as his efforts to encourage Hezbollah to engage in dialogue with Aoun.

Although Berri does not support direct negotiations with Israel, the sources said his position differs from that of his ally in several respects.

Beyond maintaining communication with Aoun and Salam, he rejects threats and accusations of treason.

He has also criticized Hezbollah for failing to respond to calls to withdraw from the Ali al-Taher hills to facilitate the deployment of the Lebanese army.

Other differences include Berri's opposition to Hezbollah's military intervention in support of Gaza and Iran, his support for ministers affiliated with his movement who endorsed the principle of exclusive state control over weapons, and his backing of the ban on Hezbollah's military and security wing.

His parliamentary bloc also voted to grant the government confidence for a third time, unlike Hezbollah lawmakers, who withdrew from the session.

The sources expressed surprise that other political forces had not shown greater openness toward Berri.

They questioned with whom a political settlement could be reached, should conditions eventually allow one to emerge, if Berri continued to be included in the political campaigns directed against Hezbollah.

They argued that engaging with Berri was more necessary than ever, particularly because direct channels of communication with Hezbollah remain severed.

This explains why Arab and foreign envoys visiting Beirut continue to meet him.

It is not because Berri carries a mandate from Hezbollah, which sometimes disregards his commitments, but because of his position within Lebanon's political system and his considerable influence within the Shiite political landscape.

His approach to major issues on Lebanon's political agenda often differs from Hezbollah's.

The latest example was his intervention to prevent an internal government crisis over whether explosives seized in Dahr al-Baydar should be referred to the Judicial Council before investigations were completed.

Berri and his lawmakers refrained from taking a position on the matter out of consideration for Hezbollah.

The question remains: Will Hezbollah honor its pledge this time, or will it once again intervene in support of Iran under pressure from the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps?