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Alarm Over New 'War Crimes' in Sudan's Darfur Region

Adam Gamar an asylum seeker from Darfur in Sudan points to El Geneina on a map, a city in which there is intense violence targetting his tribespeople, in the Masalit tribe community center in southern Tel Aviv, Israel June 24, 2023. REUTERS/Amir Cohen
Adam Gamar an asylum seeker from Darfur in Sudan points to El Geneina on a map, a city in which there is intense violence targetting his tribespeople, in the Masalit tribe community center in southern Tel Aviv, Israel June 24, 2023. REUTERS/Amir Cohen
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Alarm Over New 'War Crimes' in Sudan's Darfur Region

Adam Gamar an asylum seeker from Darfur in Sudan points to El Geneina on a map, a city in which there is intense violence targetting his tribespeople, in the Masalit tribe community center in southern Tel Aviv, Israel June 24, 2023. REUTERS/Amir Cohen
Adam Gamar an asylum seeker from Darfur in Sudan points to El Geneina on a map, a city in which there is intense violence targetting his tribespeople, in the Masalit tribe community center in southern Tel Aviv, Israel June 24, 2023. REUTERS/Amir Cohen

Sudan's war has brought painful memories back to the troubled Darfur region where armed groups are accused of ethnically targeting civilians, sparking fears of a new "genocide".

"They burned every house in the neighborhood and killed my brother in front of me," recounted one survivor, Inaam, who fled the western region for neighboring Chad.

Her harrowing escape took her through streets "littered with bodies", said the human rights defender who, like others interviewed by AFP, used a pseudonym for fear of retaliation against relatives.

Such testimonies have sparked alarm about a repeat of the bloody history of Darfur, where former strongman Omar al-Bashir in 2003 unleashed Arab tribal militia in a scorched-earth campaign to quash a non-Arab rebellion against perceived inequalities.

The unrest killed at least 300,000 people and displaced 2.5 million, according to the UN, and sparked international charges of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes against Bashir and others.

The paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) later emerged from the notorious Janjaweed militia which spearheaded Bashir's deadly onslaught.

Against that background, Darfuris watched with terror when the RSF went to war in mid-April with the Sudanese army and fighting quickly spread from the capital Khartoum back to their home region.

Inaam said that, nine days after hostilities erupted, the RSF and allied Arab militias descended on her hometown of El Geneina, capital of West Darfur state.

After they torched her neighborhood, she fled on "detours to avoid RSF and Arab tribal fighters" and managed to cross the border to Chad about 30 kilometers away.

Another refugee, who asked to be identified only as Mohammed, also recounted passing through terrifying checkpoints.

At every stop, "Arab militia fighters asked us our names and our tribe," he told AFP. Depending on the answers, he said, some "were executed".

The RSF and their allies, Mohammed charged, "are specifically targeting Massalit," a non-Arab ethnic minority whom he said "the army has supported" in the current round of fighting.

"An old conflict is re-awakening in El Geneina."

Sudan's war has killed nearly 2,800 people nationwide and uprooted roughly 2.8 million as battles rage between the forces of army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and his former deputy, RSF commander Mohamed Hamdan Daglo.

Much of the worst fighting has hit Darfur in unrest that Washington has labelled an "ominous reminder" of the past "genocide".

The Massalit are one of the major non-Arab ethnic groups in Darfur, which is also home to Arab tribes such as the Rizeigat, the pastoralist camel-herding people from which Daglo hails.

Volker Perthes, head of the United Nations mission to Sudan, warned in mid-June that "there is an emerging pattern of large-scale targeted attacks against civilians based on their ethnic identities, allegedly committed by Arab militias and some armed men" in RSF uniform.

"These reports are deeply worrying and, if verified, could amount to crimes against humanity."

On Tuesday, the United States, Norway and Britain said targeted ethnic violence and other abuses in Darfur are "mostly attributed" to RSF and allied militias.

Power blackouts and severed phone and internet access have severely hampered reporting from the region the size of France that is home to about a quarter of Sudan's 48 million people.

The UN has also said that "RSF and allied militias are reportedly surrounding the cities" of El Fasher in North Darfur and Nyala in South Darfur.

Amnesty International warned of "terrifying similarity with the war crimes and crimes against humanity" perpetrated in Darfur since 2003.

According to the United States State Department, up to 1,100 people have been killed in El Geneina alone, but the Massalit tribal leadership says the real toll is even higher.

They charged in a statement that more than 5,000 people were killed, 8,000 injured and hundreds of thousands displaced by June 12.

People have suffered "the worst crimes against humanity, murder, ethnic cleansing and looting", they said, reporting that "snipers have spread out on rooftops" and police "have joined RSF ranks".

Mohammed said families quickly learnt that "only the women could go out to fetch water, because the snipers would target every man".

Army soldiers meanwhile "have not left their bases since the war began," he said, echoing the situation in much of Khartoum.

A tribal leader told AFP that "the RSF and the Arabs have killed, looted and burned" everything in their path.

In El Geneina, "the house of the Massalit sultan" has been under "constant attack," he said.

Tribal leaders and activists have been killed in their homes, according to the West Darfur lawyers' union.

In mid-June, the sultan's brother Tarek Bahr El-Din was killed, as was West Darfur Governor Khamis Abdullah Abakar, who had hours earlier accused the RSF of "genocide.”.

The RSF denied killing Abakar and blamed forces it said were acting "against the background of an old tribal conflict".

RSF general Abdel Rahman Gumma Barak Allah accused the army of having armed minority groups, including "1,000 Aringa men and 1,500 Massalit" and charged they had attacked police in El Geneina.

The fighting has deepened a long-running humanitarian crisis, say aid groups, after clinics were raided and food warehouses ransacked in Darfur.

"The conflict has not only endangered lives through direct violence but has also severely hindered access to health care," Doctors Without Borders (MSF) told AFP.

Another refugee, teacher Ibrahim Issa, told AFP he had made it "out of the hell" of El Geneina, where the fighting had brought back dark memories "of 2003 and 2004, when you were killed for your ethnicity".

Mohammed said the conflict between the army and RSF "has turned into a civil war and a genocide".

MSF medics in Chad reported treating refugees with bullet wounds who were targeted "as they tried to leave the city".

The group also reported sexual violence including the rape of a 15-year-old girl by "six armed men in a bus" while she was fleeing to Chad with her 18-year-old sister.

Alice Nderitu, the UN Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, also warned of the threat of "renewed campaigns of rape, murder and ethnic cleansing".

The latest Darfur violence has again raised the question of whether those responsible will one day face justice.

"In principle, many of the crimes documented to date in Darfur likely constitute at least crimes against humanity, if not war crimes," human rights lawyer Emma DiNapoli told AFP.

But proving them will depend on what evidence activists can gather while dodging bullets and arson attacks.

"Activists on the ground should be documenting evidence to the highest standard possible, particularly taking the details of eyewitnesses to violations and documenting evidence of command and control or perpetrator information," DiNapoli said.

Since the UN Security Council referred the situation in Darfur to the International Criminal Court with no end date, the court "in theory" has "jurisdiction over crimes committed in the present day," she added.

But Sudan's past does not offer much hope. Khartoum never handed over any suspects wanted by the ICC, and some have escaped prison since the new war broke out.

Four suspects including Bashir remain at large. One, who voluntarily surrendered elsewhere in Africa, is on trial in The Hague.

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Jamal Mustafa: Saddam and Other Iraqi Officials Headed to the Gallows with Heads Held High

Jamal Mustafa al-Sultan. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Jamal Mustafa al-Sultan. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Jamal Mustafa: Saddam and Other Iraqi Officials Headed to the Gallows with Heads Held High

Jamal Mustafa al-Sultan. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Jamal Mustafa al-Sultan. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Saddam Hussein’s entourage never expected that they would one day find themselves in jail. It never occurred to them that the American military machine would use all of its might to oust Saddam’s regime and overthrow the ruling party and army. They never believed that forces allied to Iran would assume positions of power in the new regime.

Times changed and Saddam, who controlled the fate of the nation and its people, found himself in prison where he counted the days until his execution. The man was unyielding until his last breath and his will remained unbroken.

The men who made up the Revolutionary Command Council or government soon found themselves in prison. They were interrogated by the Americans and Iraqis and a death sentence was always going to be their fate.

In the second installment of his interview to Asharq Al-Awsat, Dr. Jamal Mustafa al-Sultan, late Iraqi President Saddam Hussein’s son-in-law and second secretary, recalled the execution of his colleagues and relatives. He also recalled how he married Hala, the youngest of Saddam’s daughters, and how the late president acted around his family, away from state affairs.

Other officials who were held along with Saddam included “Vice President Taha Yassin Ramadan, my uncle and member of the Revolutionary Command Council Ali Hussein al-Majid, my other uncle Abed Hassan al-Majid, head of the Revolutionary Command Council Awad al-Bandar, Saddam’s half-brother Barzan Ibrahim al-Hassan, Secretary Abed Hammoud and aide to the intelligence chief Farouk Hijazi,” said Mustafa.

He showed Asharq Al-Awsat a video that recently came to light of Khodair al-Khozaei, the former vice president during the American occupation. “In it, he said that he saw no justification for the death sentence against Abed Hammoud. Most dangerous of all, he confessed that he visited Iran and consulted with a judicial official, who encouraged him to sign the death sentence, which he did,” added Mustafa.

“The truth is that we sensed from the beginning that our trial was a means of revenge acting at Iran’s orders. One day, Abed Hammoud was informed that he was going to be moved to hospital and later that day the guards informed us that he was executed,” he continued.

“Mr. President (Saddam) expected to be executed. The truth is that his very existence, whether in jail or otherwise, was a source of concern for them. I can firmly attest that the members of the leadership bravely faced their death sentence. None of them showed any weakness or faltered,” he revealed.

He recalled the day they informed Barzan and Awad that they were going to be executed. “I was working out with al-Bandar when we received the news. I am not exaggerating when I say that he maintained his optimism even in that moment. They were executed the next day. Days later, I learned that Abed Hassan al-Majid, Farouk Hijazi and Hadi Hassan, an intelligence officer, were executed,” Mustafa said.

“Let me tell you what used to happen. One day, they came up with false charges that before the US occupation, I gave Mr. Khamis al-Khanjar (a Sunni politician) a sum of 250,000 dollars. Of course, the charge is baseless. They told me that I would remain in jail for life if I did not confess to the charge. I refused and told them that I enjoyed normal relations with Khanjar,” he went on to say.

“They later came up with a different scenario. They told me that they would take me to the Iraqi embassy in Jordan if I confessed to the charge and that I would late be released in Amman with a hefty sum of money. I told them that I would reject whatever they have to offer because I would not abandon my values to betray Khanjar, who was a friend,” he stated.

“They later accused me of complicity in the draining of the Mesopotamian Marshes, which I had nothing to do with,” he added.

Saddam Hussein with his daughter Hala in this undated photo. (Getty Images)

First call after Saddam’s execution

Mustafa recalled the first telephone call he had with his wife Hala and her mother, Sajida Khairallah Talfah, right after Saddam’s execution. “Five days after Mr. President’s martyrdom, I contacted my family. I spoke with my wife, and she was in very good spirits. She had very high faith and patience. I asked her about her mother, and she reassured me that she was also doing very well despite the pain,” he said.

“I pray that Gold Almighty will give her health and a long life. We have always derived our strength from her. My mother-in-law lost her two sons, Uday and Qusay, and then her husband. She had played a major role in supporting her husband from the beginning of his struggle. She always used to support him and stood by him throughout his career,” he remarked.

First meetings with Saddam

Mustafa recalled the early days of his meeting with Saddam. “They started when I began working for his special guard. That was when I first met him. Like most Iraqis and Arabs, I believed that he would be a difficult person, but the truth is that I saw him as a paternal figure,” he added. “When you work with him, you begin to develop a different opinion than the public impression. He was a very paternal figure.”

During their first meeting, they learned that they came from the same tribe and were distant cousins.

“I stayed by Mr. President’s side for around 20 years. I started off as part of his personal guard and he then tasked me with people’s affairs, meaning seeing to their needs and addressing their problems. He was very concerned with the people’s affairs and refused any one of them to be wronged. The truth is that many laws were amended or changed at the time following complaints from the people,” he revealed.

“There were two telephones at Mr. President’s office, and both were connected to my office. Whoever had a problem could call the president through the citizens’ line. I used to answer their calls and listen to their problems and set an appointment with the president. Sometimes I used to ask the caller to come in person with their request so that their problem could be tackled. Sometimes Mr. President would interject on the call to ask about the issue and would request to talk to the citizen on the line,” Mustafa said.

“He would listen to the person’s grievance and tell him to head to the dedicated office to tackle the issue. (...) So we used to receive hundreds of citizens every week to solve their problems. Mr. President was very concerned about these issues,” he stressed. “I have never met another person like him. He would listen, care and then come up with a solution.”

President’s son-in-law

Asharq Al-Awsat asked Mustafa about when he asked Hala to marry him. “It was in 1994. As is the tradition in Iraq, I headed with my uncles to Saddam’s family to ask her hand in marriage,” he said. “One of my uncles made the request to Mr. President on my behalf and he agreed and welcomed it.”

“A judge was summoned immediately for the ceremony, and we were married. We had lunch at the president’s house that same day. I first met Hala on September 12, and we were married on September 26. It was a short engagement in line with tradition.”

“Mr. President used to separate state affairs from his relationship with his family. His work was completely separate from family, which had nothing to do with political or state affairs. It never intervened in those issues. Mr. President was a man of state when he was doing his job, and a father when he came home. He treated his family as if he were its father – the perfect father. Every family wishes to have a father that can measure up to him because he looked after all of his children and all of his relatives,” Mustafa said.

“When he sat down to the dinner table, he himself used to serve his own food and ask his children about their day. He would serve them food and generally cared very much for them. The state is one thing and family is another. At the same time, he acted as a father to all Iraqis. He treated them fairly. This is Saddam Hussein,” stressed Mustafa. “He was always keen that Iraqis be treated justly and that none of them be wronged. He was also very firm with his children if they made any mistake.”

Saddam’s hobbies

Saddam was a “very traditional Arab man. He loved traditional Arab and Iraqi dishes. He himself used to cook his own version of the traditional Iraqi dish al-Habeet. (...) He also loved seafood and would cook the Masgouf fish dish himself,” Mustafa told Asharq Al-Awsat.

His hobbies included horseback riding, hunting, swimming and sharpshooting. “Occasionally, before heading to the front to fight against Iran, he would visit the al-Amarah region, where gazelle and geese are abundant, to hunt. As circumstances became more challenging, he limited himself to fishing, which he did regularly,” he added.

He was a skilled shooter from his youth. “Generally, growing up in a tribe, children are taught at a young age how to become a good shooter. This is part of our upbringing. He was also an avid reader. He was always reading something,” Mustafa said of Saddam.