Abed Rabbo: Arafat Urged Saddam to Withdraw from Kuwait

Saddam Hussein during a meeting with Yasser Arafat in Baghdad in May 1990 (Getty Images)
Saddam Hussein during a meeting with Yasser Arafat in Baghdad in May 1990 (Getty Images)
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Abed Rabbo: Arafat Urged Saddam to Withdraw from Kuwait

Saddam Hussein during a meeting with Yasser Arafat in Baghdad in May 1990 (Getty Images)
Saddam Hussein during a meeting with Yasser Arafat in Baghdad in May 1990 (Getty Images)

Yasser Abed Rabbo, former Secretary-General of the executive committee of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), played a key role in historic talks between Yasser Arafat and Israeli and US officials.
He also participated in meetings with Saddam Hussein after the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. His insights shed light on crucial moments. Here's what he said about missed opportunities in negotiations:
“At Camp David in 2000, doubts arose from the start, particularly about American intentions.”
“President Bill Clinton offered a proposal that gave away over 10% of the West Bank, with unclear terms on Jerusalem’s holy sites. This ambiguity favored Israel.”
“Arafat saw these sites as non-negotiable, fearing any compromise would brand him a traitor.”
“He was determined not to be seen as conceding what past leaders hadn’t. Even regarding the Wailing Wall, he insisted it was also the Buraq Wall in Islam, not solely Jewish.”
“For Arafat, protecting these sites meant preserving his legacy as a national hero,” stressed Abed Rabbo.
US ‘Lost Mediator Role’ at Camp David
“Returning to Camp David, the US’ proposal caused a stir and strong reaction because we hadn’t started negotiations with the Israelis. It seemed biased towards Israel,” revealed Abed Rabbo.
According to the Palestinian politician, Washington “quickly withdrew the proposal the next day to open discussions on all issues, including borders, land, Jerusalem, settlements, and refugees.”
The quick withdrawal raised deep doubts among Palestinians.
“It seemed like the Americans had their own agenda, treating their retreat as a tactical move,” said Abed Rabbo.
“This was the first setback for Palestinian negotiators and Yasser Arafat, questioning the sincerity of the process and reliance on the US,” he added.
“Arafat then insisted on direct talks with Ehud Barak to address all issues before involving committees.”
Abed Rabbo noted that Barak avoided direct talks, preferring meetings with Clinton and US representatives as he seemingly relied on their stance against the Palestinians.
“Despite attending committee meetings, Barak refused to engage until they followed his approach. Meetings with Clinton felt hollow, with discussions often echoing Israeli views. It felt like the US and Israel were coordinating without us,” recalled Abed Rabbo.
“This undermined the US role as a mediator,” he concluded.
Arafat’s Error in the Second Intifada
When asked about Iran backing the Oslo Accords’ downfall through suicide attacks, Abed Rabbo said : “I doubt Iran was involved. Hamas led most suicide operations, with other groups also taking part.”
“Arafat made a mistake, hinting to Hamas that he approved these attacks to pressure Israelis. He didn’t condemn the operations themselves, only attacks on civilians by both sides,” clarified Abed Rabbo.

 

As for Arafat’s influence being a barrier to the growth of Hamas, Abed Rabbo admitted that the Palestinian leader initially cracked down on Hamas.
“As the second intifada unfolded after Yitzhak Rabin’s death and Ariel Sharon’s provocative visit to Al-Aqsa, Arafat saw Hamas’ attacks as pressure tactics on Israelis,” revealed Abed Rabbo.
In summary, Arafat’s stance shifted over time, initially cracking down on Hamas but later seeing attacks as a means to pressure Israelis.
After Rabin’s death, during a transitional phase that included Shimon Peres and Benjamin Netanyahu’s election in 1996, the first meeting with Netanyahu occurred at an Israeli military base at the Erez checkpoint, near the entrance to Gaza.
“I was with Arafat in his first meeting with Netanyahu. Another person was there, but I can't recall who,” said Abed Rabbo.
Netanyahu started that meeting by telling Arafat he opposed the Oslo Accords signed with Peres and Rabin.
“With this new government, those agreements are over. We'll follow a principle of reciprocity: positive steps get positive responses, negative steps get negative ones,” Netanyahu told Arafat, according to Abed Rabbo.
In the meeting, Abed Rabbo asked Netanyahu: “Even if we accept this, which we don't because the Oslo Accord binds both Israel and us, who decides if our actions are positive or negative?”
“We decide,” said Netanyahu.
“Then you're both the opponent and the judge,” replied Abed Rabbo.
“It was clear it wouldn't work. Arafat asked for a private meeting but left feeling Netanyahu wanted to destroy Oslo. Since then, Arafat became more cautious, knowing saving Oslo faces big challenges,” recalled Abed Rabbo.
Saddam Compared Jerusalem’s Lights to Baghdad’s
Asked if Arafat misjudged Iraq’s 1990 invasion of Kuwait, Abed Rabbo said: “Definitely. Arafat opposed the invasion internally but feared losing ties with Saddam. His regional support was weak, especially with Hafez al-Assad’s Syria.”
“He spent years in Tunisian exile. His Jordan ties were tense. Despite good Gulf relations, Arafat hoped for a peaceful resolution, but feared losing ties if Saddam fell.”
“Saddam’s support for the Palestinian liberation movement was significant,” said Abed Rabbo.
“Arafat valued not just the financial aid but also logistical support, ensuring communication between Iraq, the West Bank, and Gaza through Jordan.”
“I was with Arafat when he met Saddam Hussein after the Kuwait invasion. Arafat urged Saddam to withdraw, fearing Iraq's fate.”
Recalling the meeting, Abed Rabbo said: “We met in a modest villa in Baghdad’s Al Zawraa Park. Arafat was open, expressing concern over Iraq's fate.”
“I’ve accounted for everything,” Saddam assured Arafat, standing at the villa’s door, overlooking Baghdad.
“Abu Ammar, I see Jerusalem’s lights as I see Baghdad’s now before me. It signifies Jerusalem’s liberation,” remarked Saddam at the time.
Abed Rabbo was born in Jaffa in 1945 and moved to Lebanon after the Nakba. At fifteen, he joined the Arab Nationalists Movement under Mohsen Ibrahim. He studied economics and political science at the American University in Cairo.
In 1968, he helped establish the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine with George Habash and others. The next year, he co-founded the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine. He later founded the Fida Party in 1990 and stepped down in 2004.
Abed Rabbo met Yasser Arafat during the Battle of Karameh in 1968. They formed a strong bond, allowing him to play a key role in US-PLO dialogue.
He led the Palestinian delegation in talks with the US in 1989 and was active in the Oslo Accords negotiations. He held ministerial positions after Palestinian leaders returned, and he attended many meetings with Israeli and US officials.
From 2005 to 2015, he served as Secretary-General of the PLO’s Executive Committee. He left due to disputes with Mahmoud Abbas. His role allowed him to engage in meetings with Arab and global leaders. He also shared a close friendship with Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish.



As Trump Seeks to Be a Peacemaker, Netanyahu Leaves Washington without Breakthrough on Gaza Deal

 Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, left, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, right, arrive for a meeting at the Pentagon, Wednesday, July 9, 2025, in Washington. (AP)
Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, left, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, right, arrive for a meeting at the Pentagon, Wednesday, July 9, 2025, in Washington. (AP)
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As Trump Seeks to Be a Peacemaker, Netanyahu Leaves Washington without Breakthrough on Gaza Deal

 Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, left, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, right, arrive for a meeting at the Pentagon, Wednesday, July 9, 2025, in Washington. (AP)
Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, left, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, right, arrive for a meeting at the Pentagon, Wednesday, July 9, 2025, in Washington. (AP)

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s trip to Washington this week netted President Donald Trump another nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize he covets, but the ceasefire the US leader sought for the war in Gaza didn't emerge.

Despite Trump throwing his weight behind a push for a 60-day truce between Israel and Hamas, no breakthrough was announced during Netanyahu's visit, a disappointment for a president who wants to be known as a peacemaker and has hinged his reputation on being a dealmaker.

“He prides himself or being able to make deals, so this is another test case,” said Rachel Brandenburg, the Israel Policy Forum's Washington managing director and senior fellow.

Trump’s ability to strike a ceasefire deal in the 21-month war will reveal the boundaries of his influence with Netanyahu, especially after their recent joint strikes on Iran's nuclear facilities that both leaders touted at the White House this week.

Beyond the back-to-back meetings Trump and Netanyahu had at the White House this week, there was little public evidence of progress at a time when the Republican US president is pushing to end the fighting.

‘Closer than we’ve been,’ but challenges remain

Secretary of State Marco Rubio said Thursday that when it comes to a ceasefire in Gaza, “we’re closer than we’ve been in quite a while and we’re hopeful, but we also recognize there’s still some challenges in the way.”

Rubio, who spoke to reporters while traveling in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, also said that Trump “wants to see a ceasefire and we’ve invested a lot of time and energy.”

Beyond ending the bloodshed, ending the war in Gaza would give Trump more leeway to strike some of the broader agreements he seeks in the Middle East, such as expanding the Abraham Accords that started in his first term and normalizing relations with Syria’s new government.

“He wants to be the one who gets hostages home and see the war in Gaza end so he can move on to some of these bigger deals,” Brandenburg said.

Even if a truce is reached, Netanyahu has promised fighting will continue if necessary until Hamas is destroyed. The group, meanwhile, has conditioned the release of the remaining hostages on Israel's withdrawal from Gaza, a stipulation Israel has been unwilling to accept.

Trump-Netanyahu relationship sees a rebound

It’s unclear how much pressure Trump put on Netanyahu in their private talks this week. But the two leaders came into the visit seeming more aligned than ever — at least for now — fresh off the president having twice come to the Israeli leader’s assistance.

Trump made the risky move to join Israel’s attacks on Iran last month, delivering pivotal US firepower while alarming world leaders and some of Trump’s “America first” supporters. Trump also inserted himself into Israel’s domestic affairs, calling for Netanyahu’s yearslong corruption trial to be thrown out.

That’s a marked turnaround in their relationship, which had appeared somewhat strained in recent years.

Trump shocked some of his fellow Republicans and staunch supporters of Israel by publicly criticizing Netanyahu not long after Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, setting off the conflict.

He said that Netanyahu “was not prepared” for the attack from Hamas and that Netanyahu had “let us down” just before the US killed top Iranian general Qassem Soleimani in 2020.

Even during his last visit to the White House earlier this year, Netanyahu seemed caught off guard when Trump announced the US would hold talks with Iran over its nuclear deal rather than embrace Netanyahu’s push for military pressure.

With their military objectives aligning for a time on Iran, the Israeli leader has worked to foster a warmer relationship.

In a video he released after the US strikes, Netanyahu spoke — in English instead of Hebrew — of the “unshakeable alliance” between their countries while repeatedly praising Trump.

“His leadership today has created a pivot of history that can help lead the Middle East and beyond to a future of prosperity and peace,” Netanyahu said.

Netanyahu tries the charm offensive on Trump

In his visit to Washington this week, the Israeli leader also showed he knows how to praise the president in a way that matters greatly to him when he unveiled a letter in front of reporters and cameras to announce he had nominated him for a Nobel Peace Prize.

Those gestures, though, may only carry him so far as Trump pushes for a deal that Netanyahu may not be able to accept.

“I think if Netanyahu stands in the way too much for too long of the sort of loftier objectives Trump has set out for himself,” Brandenburg said, “Netanyahu will be cast aside as more of a problem than an asset.”

Netanyahu, like many Israelis, believes Trump is the greatest friend they have ever had in the White House and is deeply grateful for the US strikes on Iran’s nuclear sites last month.

But the Israeli leader is also under mounting public pressure to end the war as hostages languish in captivity and more Israeli soldiers are killed in guerrilla-style attacks.

Israel’s military success against Iran has given him some political capital, but if he ends the war while leaving Hamas intact, he will have broken his repeated promise of “total victory.”

His far-right coalition partners have threatened to bolt if he does that, sparking early elections that could end his nearly unbroken 16 years in power and leave him more vulnerable to long-standing corruption charges.

That may prove too heavy a price for delivering the kind of lasting ceasefire sought by Trump and demanded by Hamas. Instead, Netanyahu, who is seen as a masterful politician by friends and foes alike, is expected to thread the needle.

In a video statement on Thursday, Netanyahu said that he would agree to a “temporary” 60-day ceasefire in return for the release of half the hostages remaining in Gaza, many of whom are believed dead, and that he would begin negotiations on ending the war.

But he conditioned any lasting ceasefire on Hamas giving up its arms – something the fighters have refused to do as long as Israel occupies parts of Gaza.

If Hamas can be disarmed through negotiations, “so much the better,” Netanyahu said. “If it is not achieved through negotiations in 60 days, we will achieve it in other ways — by using force.”