Hack of Hezbollah Devices Exposes Dark Corners of Asia Supply Chains

Japanese radio equipment maker Icom Inc director Yoshiki Enomoto shows its model IC-V82 device, which the company said they stopped production in 2014, during an interview at its headquarters in Osaka, Japan, September 19, 2024. REUTERS/Kim Kyung-Hoon TPX IMAGES OF THE DAY
Japanese radio equipment maker Icom Inc director Yoshiki Enomoto shows its model IC-V82 device, which the company said they stopped production in 2014, during an interview at its headquarters in Osaka, Japan, September 19, 2024. REUTERS/Kim Kyung-Hoon TPX IMAGES OF THE DAY
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Hack of Hezbollah Devices Exposes Dark Corners of Asia Supply Chains

Japanese radio equipment maker Icom Inc director Yoshiki Enomoto shows its model IC-V82 device, which the company said they stopped production in 2014, during an interview at its headquarters in Osaka, Japan, September 19, 2024. REUTERS/Kim Kyung-Hoon TPX IMAGES OF THE DAY
Japanese radio equipment maker Icom Inc director Yoshiki Enomoto shows its model IC-V82 device, which the company said they stopped production in 2014, during an interview at its headquarters in Osaka, Japan, September 19, 2024. REUTERS/Kim Kyung-Hoon TPX IMAGES OF THE DAY

The lethal hack of Hezbollah's Asian-branded pagers and walkie-talkies has sparked an intense search for the devices' path, revealing a murky market for older technologies where buyers may have few assurances about what they are getting.

While supply chains and distribution channels for higher-margin and newer products are tightly managed, that's not the case for older electronics from Asia where counterfeiting, surplus inventories and complex contract manufacturing deals can sometimes make it impossible to identify the source of a product, analysts and consultants say, according to Reuters.

The response from the companies at the center of the booby-trapped gadgets that killed 37 people and wounded about 3,000 in Lebanon this week has underlined difficulties in discerning how and when they were weaponised.

Taiwan-based Gold Apollo put the blame on a Europe-based licensee of its pager, sparking investigations in Hungary, Bulgaria, Norway and Romania into the origins of the deadly device. Japan's Icom said it could not tell if the walkie-talkies bearing its name were real, in a market awash with fake products.

"If the supply chain was compromised to put explosives inside ... it's incredible engineering to do that. But the actual supply chain compromise is not that hard. Probably the easiest part was the supply chain compromise," said David Fincher, a China-based technologist and consultant.

He said counterfeit products are prevalent, especially in big manufacturing centers like China where fake components can be easily produced, adding that it isn't a big leap to go from fake components to supply chain compromise.

"As the technologist I am, I can tell you getting a little explosive in a radio is not that hard."

Hezbollah acquired the devices around five months ago, according to a security source, who added that the armed group thought it was buying the pagers from Gold Apollo.

The hand-held radios, which the source said were purchased around the same time as the pagers, had labels bearing the name of Osaka-based Icom and the phrase "Made in Japan", images of one exploded device showed.

Both companies have ruled out the possibility that any of the deadly components were made in factories in either of their home locations.

Taiwan's Economy Minister Kuo Jyh-huei has also said the components used in the pagers that detonated in Lebanon were not made in Taiwan.

A preliminary investigation by Lebanese authorities into the devices found that the explosives were implanted before they arrived in the country, according to a letter to the UN Security Council by Lebanon's mission to the United Nations.

-FAKE GOODS

But, for now, that's about all anyone is certain of. It's not clear how or when the pagers and walkie-talkies were weaponised so they could be remotely detonated.

Joe Simone, partner with Chinese intellectual property firm East IP, said part of the problem is that smaller brands tend to invest less in policing counterfeits, due in large part to costs that could impact their profitability.

"Authorities are happy to deal with low-tech counterfeits but the IP owners need to monitor, investigate and file complaints and that doesn't always happen as much as it might for high-tech and bigger technology brands," he said.

For Icom, one problem is that it stopped making the IC-V82 model in question a decade ago, around the time it started introducing holographic stickers as a protection against counterfeit products, the company said.

The company has long warned about imitation products, especially of its older models.

In fact, more than 7% of firms in Japan reported business losses from counterfeit products in 2020, according to the latest available report by the Japan Patent Office, with around a third of cases linked to China.

Icom has urged that customers only use its official distributor network to ensure they are buying genuine products.

But in China, there are dozens of shops selling Icom-branded walkie-talkies on e-commerce platforms such as Alibaba.com, Taobao, JD.com and Pinduoduo, including in some cases the IC-V82 model, according to Reuters checks.

Among three China-based vendors of Icom products on Alibaba.com, none of which were listed as official suppliers on Icom's website, Guangzhou Minxing Communications Equipment Co and Chengdu Bingxin Technology Co Ltd both said they sell authentic products, while Quanzhou Yitian Trading Co acknowledged selling "Chinese made imitations" in addition to original products.

Icom has said it makes all its products in its factories in Japan. It did not immediately reply to a request for comment on Icom-branded products sold in Chinese online sites.

The discontinued IC-V82 model is also sold in Vietnam on e-commerce platform Shopee, a Reuters check showed, indicating wide availability of such products.

For Gold Apollo, which licensed its brand to Budapest-based BAC, the supply chain devolved into a mysterious production trail that authorities in various countries are now trying to piece together.

"The widespread availability of cheap, second-hand manufacturing equipment meant counterfeiters were increasingly able to go beyond single components and even make full-fledged products," said Diganta Das from the University of Maryland's Center for Advanced Lifecycle Engineering, who studies counterfeit electronics.

"I wouldn't call it counterfeiting anymore, it's like illegal manufacturing," Das said.



Hamas Weakened, Not Crushed a Year into War with Israel

People search for survivors and the bodies of victims through the rubble of buildings destroyed during Israeli bombardment, in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on October 26, 2023, amid the ongoing battles between Israel and the Palestinian group Hamas. (AFP)
People search for survivors and the bodies of victims through the rubble of buildings destroyed during Israeli bombardment, in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on October 26, 2023, amid the ongoing battles between Israel and the Palestinian group Hamas. (AFP)
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Hamas Weakened, Not Crushed a Year into War with Israel

People search for survivors and the bodies of victims through the rubble of buildings destroyed during Israeli bombardment, in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on October 26, 2023, amid the ongoing battles between Israel and the Palestinian group Hamas. (AFP)
People search for survivors and the bodies of victims through the rubble of buildings destroyed during Israeli bombardment, in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on October 26, 2023, amid the ongoing battles between Israel and the Palestinian group Hamas. (AFP)

Israel's military campaign to eradicate Hamas in retaliation for the October 7 attack has weakened it by killing several of its leaders and thousands of fighters, and by reducing swaths of the territory it rules to rubble.

But the Palestinian armed group has not been crushed outright, and a year on from its unprecedented attack on Israel, an end to its hold over Gaza remains elusive.

Hamas sparked the Gaza war by sending hundreds of fighters across the border into Israel on October 7, 2023, to attack communities in the south.

The attack resulted in the deaths of 1,205 people, most of them civilians, according to an AFP tally based on official Israeli figures, which include hostages killed in captivity.

Vowing to crush Hamas and bring the hostages home, Israel launched a military campaign in the Gaza Strip from the land, sea and air.

According to data provided by the health ministry of Hamas-run Gaza, the war has killed more than 41,000 people, the majority civilians. The United Nations has acknowledged these figures to be reliable.

- Dead leader -

In one of the biggest blows to the movement since it was founded in 1987 during the Palestinian intifada uprising, Hamas's leader Ismail Haniyeh was assassinated in Iran on July 31.

Both Hamas and its backer Iran accused Israel of killing Haniyeh, though Israel has not commented.

After Haniyeh's death, Hamas named Yahya Sinwar, whom Israel accuses of masterminding the October 7 attack, as its new leader.

On the Gaza battlefield, Israeli forces have aggressively pursued both Sinwar and Hamas military chief Mohammed Deif, whom Israel says it killed in an air strike.

Hamas says Deif is still alive.

"Commander Mohammed Deif is still giving orders," a source in Hamas's armed wing, the Ezzedine Al-Qassam Brigades, told AFP on condition of anonymity as he was not authorized to speak to media on the matter.

- 'Number one target' -

A senior Hamas official who also asked not to be named described Sinwar, who has not been seen in public since the start of the war, as a "supreme commander" who leads "both the military and political wings" of Hamas.

"A team is dedicated to his security because he is the enemy's number one target," the official said.

In August, Israeli officials reported the dead in Gaza included more than 17,000 Palestinian fighters.

A senior Hamas official acknowledged that "several thousand fighters from the movement and other resistance groups died in combat".

Despite its huge losses, the source in the group's armed wing still gloated over the intelligence and security failure that the October 7 attack was for Israel.

"It claims to know everything but on October 7 the enemy saw nothing," he said.

Israel has its own reading of where Hamas now stands.

In September, Defense Minister Yoav Gallant said that Hamas "as a military formation no longer exists".

Bruce Hoffman, a researcher at the Council on Foreign Relations, said that Israel's offensive has dealt a "grievous but not a crushing blow" to Hamas.

- 'Political suicide' -

Hamas has controlled Gaza and run its institutions single-handedly since 2007, after winning a legislative election a year earlier and defeating its Palestinian rivals Fatah in street battles.

Now, most of Gaza's institutions have either been damaged or destroyed.

Israel accuses Hamas of using schools, health facilities and other civilian infrastructure to conduct operations, a claim Hamas denies.

The war has left no part of Gaza safe from bombardment: schools turned into shelters for the displaced have been hit, as have healthcare facilities.

Hundreds of thousands of children have not gone to school in nearly a year, while universities, power plants, water pumping stations and police stations are no longer operational.

By mid-2024, Gaza's economy had been reduced to a "less than one-sixth of its 2022 level," according to a UN report that said it would take "decades to bring Gaza back" to its pre-October 7 state.

The collapse has fueled widespread discontent among Gaza's 2.4 million people, two-thirds of whom were already poor before the war, according to Mukhaimer Abu Saada, a political researcher at Al-Azhar University in Cairo.

"The criticism is harsh," he told AFP.

His colleague Jamal al-Fadi branded the October 7 attack as "political suicide for Hamas", which has now "found itself isolated".

Hamas political bureau member Bassem Naim dismissed the assessment.

"While some may not agree with Hamas's political views, the resistance and its project continue to enjoy widespread support," said Naim, who like several other self-exiled Hamas leaders lives in Qatar.