Beirut’s Southern Suburb Becomes a ‘Ghost Town’ as Residents Hesitate to Return

The aftermath of Israeli airstrikes on the Lailaki area in Beirut's southern suburbs as seen on Tuesday morning. (Reuters)
The aftermath of Israeli airstrikes on the Lailaki area in Beirut's southern suburbs as seen on Tuesday morning. (Reuters)
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Beirut’s Southern Suburb Becomes a ‘Ghost Town’ as Residents Hesitate to Return

The aftermath of Israeli airstrikes on the Lailaki area in Beirut's southern suburbs as seen on Tuesday morning. (Reuters)
The aftermath of Israeli airstrikes on the Lailaki area in Beirut's southern suburbs as seen on Tuesday morning. (Reuters)

Ali F., 35, refused to enter Beirut's southern suburbs to check on his home after Monday night airstrikes.

“I’m not taking any chances... I'll find out if the building is destroyed eventually,” he said.

He left his home in a rush days ago after Israeli forces warned residents to evacuate.

Now, he’s unsure about returning to collect his belongings.

“No one lives in the building anymore,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat. “If the power cuts while I’m in the elevator, I’ll be stuck, and no one will rescue me.”

Beirut’s southern suburbs were hit overnight after the Israeli military warned residents to leave areas near buildings it said contained Hezbollah infrastructure.

The area has become a “ghost town,” according to a civil defense worker near the area on Monday night, after the Israeli army announced airstrike targets.

Most residents evacuated their homes and moved to safer areas. By Tuesday morning, only a few dozen remained — mostly medics, civil defense workers, and some municipal police officers.

On Monday night, the Israeli army warned residents to evacuate three areas in the southern suburbs: Rweiss near Burj al-Barajneh, Mrayjeh near Lailaki, and Bir al-Abed in Haret Hreik.

The three targeted areas cover a five-kilometer stretch, filled with residential buildings home to tens of thousands.

These neighborhoods have long been the population hub of Beirut's southern suburbs, which have expanded east toward Hadath and south to Choueifat over the past 20 years.

Mona, who lives in Rweiss, questioned the strikes: “What’s in these areas to justify targeting them? Could there really be a weapons depot in a residential building right along the Hadi Nasrallah Highway?”

She was referring to two buildings in Bir al-Abed and Rweiss that were hit near the highway.

“Could a military facility really be under a building where dozens of families live?” Mona believes the Israeli army wants to clear the area, claiming the presence of weapons as an excuse.

The Israeli army said it launched “precision strikes on Hezbollah weapons manufacturing sites and infrastructure in Beirut’s southern suburbs on Monday night.”

Nearby residents endured a difficult night, shaken by loud explosions, watching the developments unfold on TV.

Just before midnight, Israeli warplanes targeted Lailaki, Mrayjeh, Haret Hreik, and Burj al-Barajneh, destroying several residential buildings.

Reports indicated that eight buildings were destroyed in Mrayjeh, along with others not listed on the Israeli evacuation maps.

No casualties were reported from the strikes in the southern suburbs, but Lebanon’s Health Ministry said at least 95 people were killed and 172 injured in Israeli strikes on southern Lebanon, the Bekaa Valley, and Beirut in the past 24 hours.



Will Israel Build on its War ‘Gains’ or Become More Involved in Lebanon?

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks during the General Debate of the 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly at United Nations Headquarters in New York, New York, USA, 27 September 2024. (EPA)
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks during the General Debate of the 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly at United Nations Headquarters in New York, New York, USA, 27 September 2024. (EPA)
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Will Israel Build on its War ‘Gains’ or Become More Involved in Lebanon?

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks during the General Debate of the 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly at United Nations Headquarters in New York, New York, USA, 27 September 2024. (EPA)
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks during the General Debate of the 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly at United Nations Headquarters in New York, New York, USA, 27 September 2024. (EPA)

As in every war, Israel is faced with two options: either invest in its military “gains” or seek a new “political horizon” after in the post-war scenario.

So, far the military and political commands are still riding the high of the series of victories against Hezbollah, from the detonation of the party’s pagers and walkie-talkies and eventually the crowning “achievement” of the assassination of its leader Hassan Nasrallah on Friday.

These “successes” undoubtedly are good for Israel in raising morale among its people and troops and restoring some of the image of its army and intelligence that took a damaging hit by the Hamas’ October 7 operation.

These achievements, however, can be quickly dashed if Israel doesn’t invest them politically and militarily.

On the military level, these accomplishments are useless if the army were to get carried away in its arrogance and gloating. It must derive lessons from history, which has proven that power has limits and that any enemy can be defeated, except for arrogance.

Arrogance will be anyone’s downfall, no matter how powerful they are. Using more might to achieve what wasn’t achieved by force the first time is not only a misconception but also foolish. Many countries have paid the price in blood for following such an idea and the Israeli army’s threat of more escalation and expanding operations is in this vein.

Hezbollah’s continued attacks against Israel, despite the heavy blows it has been dealt, will drag Israel towards scenarios it experienced no less than three times in the past in Lebanon, once in 1978, 1982 and 2006.

What’s the plan?

Israelis must point out to their experience generals that the assassination of former Hezbollah chief Abbas Moussawi in 1992 led to the appointment of Nasrallah, who drew the party even closer to Iran and its agenda. He turned the party into an organized armed movement that rivals regular armies.

And yet, the situation is not limited to the army. Israel is led by a government that guides the army, which is demanding it to draft a strategic plan for the state upon which it can build its military plan. As of this moment, this plan has not been formed yet.

The American administration has come to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s aid and offered him a golden opportunity for peace so that he can come down from his high horse. It offered him the opportunity to strike peace with Arab countries and create horizons for peace in the region,

However, the Americans themselves are also aware that Israeli officials have said that their country does not have a leader, not because the PM is weak, but because he is simply running the country according to his narrow interests.

Netanyahu has not shied away from confronting US President Joe Biden – a self-professed Zionist who has offered everything possible for Israel during the war – for the sake of his interests. Netanyahu makes light of Biden and even criticizes presidential candidate Donald Trump to shy away from any possible political opportunities.

In Israel, Netanyahu is seen as a salesman, not a leader. Israelis fear the price that has been paid and that will be paid in the future.