What Is the Hezbollah-Linked Financial Institution Israel Is Targeting in Lebanon?

 Documents of Hezbollah-run al-Qard al-Hassan are scattered at the site of an Israeli airstrike on Sunday night in Beirut's southern suburb, Lebanon, Monday, Oct. 21, 2024. (AP)
Documents of Hezbollah-run al-Qard al-Hassan are scattered at the site of an Israeli airstrike on Sunday night in Beirut's southern suburb, Lebanon, Monday, Oct. 21, 2024. (AP)
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What Is the Hezbollah-Linked Financial Institution Israel Is Targeting in Lebanon?

 Documents of Hezbollah-run al-Qard al-Hassan are scattered at the site of an Israeli airstrike on Sunday night in Beirut's southern suburb, Lebanon, Monday, Oct. 21, 2024. (AP)
Documents of Hezbollah-run al-Qard al-Hassan are scattered at the site of an Israeli airstrike on Sunday night in Beirut's southern suburb, Lebanon, Monday, Oct. 21, 2024. (AP)

The Israeli military has carried out a wave of airstrikes targeting branches of a financial institution affiliated with Lebanon’s Hezbollah, saying the quasi-banking system is being used to fund the militant group's military wing.

The strikes destroyed more than a dozen branches of al-Qard al-Hassan across Lebanon Sunday night, and came two weeks after an airstrike killed the man who many referred to as Hezbollah’s “finance minister.”

After assassinating most of Hezbollah’s top political and military commanders, including the group’s longtime leader Hassan Nasrallah, and pummeling its communities with devastating airstrikes, Israel says it is now going after the Shiite group’s funders and financial institutions in an attempt to further disrupt it and its base of support.

Hezbollah started attacking Israeli military posts along the border with Lebanon a day after the Oct. 7, 2023, attack by Hamas on southern Israel that killed some 1,200 people and took about 250 hostage. Hezbollah said that by launching attacks along the Lebanon-Israel border it was backing up its Hamas allies in the Gaza Strip.

What is al-Qard al-Hassan and who benefits from it? Al-Qard al-Hassan is officially a non-profit charity institution operating outside the Lebanese financial system, and one of the tools by which Hezbollah entrenches its support among the country’s Shiite population.

In addition to its military wing, Hezbollah has branches that run schools, hospitals, low-price grocery stores, as well as al-Qard al-Hassan, from which hundreds of thousands of its supporters benefit.

Israel says the institution finances arms purchases and is used to pay Hezbollah fighters. The US Treasury has imposed sanctions on it since 2007, saying it is “used by Hezbollah as a cover" to manage the militant group’s financial activities "and gain access to the international financial system.”

Founded four decades ago, soon after Hezbollah’s inception, the association, whose name in Arabic means “the benevolent loan,” offers interest-free loans and allows people to deposit gold as collateral in return for the credit, enabling them to pay for school fees and weddings, buy a car or open a small business. People can also open savings accounts.

Al-Qard al-Hassan has more than 30 branches around Lebanon. Following Lebanon’s 2019 financial collapse, the institution provided a lifeline for many Lebanese. Unlike banks around the country that imposed limits on how much people could withdraw from their bank accounts, people with deposits at al-Qard al-Hassan were still able to withdraw their cash.

In 2021, the US Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control imposed sanctions on seven individuals in connection with Hezbollah and al-Qard al-Hassan. A year later, the Biden administration slapped terrorism sanctions on two others, including al-Qard al-Hassan’s director, Adel Mansour, and two companies in Lebanon for providing Hezbollah with financial services.

Mansour did not respond to messages left by The Associated Press for comment. After sanctions were imposed against him two years, he told the AP: “I am proud and this is a medal of honor for me.”

A senior official at the central bank in Beirut refused to comment about the Israeli targeting of al-Qard al-Hassan branches when contacted by the AP on Monday.

David Asher, an expert on illicit financing who has worked at the US Defense and State Departments and is now a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, said the Israeli attacks were “a big deal.”

“Al-Qard al-Hassan is part of Hezbollah’s central financial unit,” which is akin to its treasury, he said.

Faysal Abdul-Sater, a Lebanese political analyst who closely follows Hezbollah’s affairs, said the group is not funded through al-Qard al-Hassan. He said the money deposited at the institution belongs to individuals and companies, and the system benefits people with low incomes.

“This is a symbolic strike,” Abdul-Sater said about targeting al-Qard al-Hassan.

How harmful are the Israeli strikes? The systematic destruction of al-Qard al-Hassan branches, coming after assassinations that took out almost all of Hezbollah’s top leadership and displaced hundreds of thousands of the group’s supporters, is bound to add to the chaos and fears within Hezbollah’s base of support.

But experts say it is unlikely to harm Hezbollah's finances in and of itself.

Al-Qard al-Hassan tried to reassure customers, saying in a statement late Sunday that it had evacuated all its branches and relocated gold and other deposits to safe areas.

Lebanese economist Louis Hobeika said destroying al-Qard al-Hassan branches will have no effect on Hezbollah’s funding as its money comes from Iran and wealthy supporters around the world. The group's salaries are known to be paid in cash in dollars.

“As long as Iran and Hezbollah’s allies are funding the group it will not be affected,” Hobeika said, adding that the flow of “bags of cash” from abroad will continue just like in the past.

Lina Khatib, an associate fellow at Chatham House who focuses on the Middle East, said al-Qard al-Hassan customers still have faith that “Hezbollah will be able to compensate them for their losses.”

Khatib noted that al-Qard al-Hassan's operations, like those of any financial institution, are not limited to any physical assets the strikes targeted.

A Lebanese woman who gave only her first name, Zahraa, for safety reasons, said she was in need of cash and deposited a gold necklace and several rings earlier this year in return for an $800 loan. The woman said she has been repaying it in $50 monthly installments.

“I don’t care whether I get the gold or not at a time when men are sacrificing their souls in south Lebanon,” Zahraa said referring to Hezbollah gunmen who are fighting invading Israeli forces.

Who was the Hezbollah financier killed? Israel began going after Hezbollah's finances earlier this month, when an Israeli airstrike destroyed the top two floors of a south Beirut building, killing Mohammed Jaafar Qassir, who the US Treasury and Israel accused of transferring hundreds of millions of dollars from Iran to Hezbollah over the years. The US had offered $10 million for information leading to the disruption of the financial mechanisms of Hezbollah.

The US Treasury said Qassir provided funding for Hezbollah operations through a number of “illegal smuggling and procurement activities and other criminal enterprises.”

It added that Qassir was also a critical conduit for financial disbursements from the powerful Quds Force branch of Iran’s paramilitary Revolutionary Guard that are used to fund Hezbollah’s activities.

The Israeli military said Qassir was in charge of Hezbollah’s Unit 4400, which ships weapons from Iran to Lebanon, and supervised Hezbollah’s development of precision-guided missiles.

Hezbollah did not comment on Qassir’s killing.

Days after Qassir was killed in Beirut, an airstrike in Damascus, Syria, blamed on Israel killed his brother Hassan, who was married to Nasrallah’s daughter, Zeinab.



With No Exit Strategy for Israel in Gaza, Critics Fear an Open-Ended Stay

 Displaced Palestinian children sit amid the rubble of a destroyed building in the Nasser district of Gaza City, in the northern Gaza Strip on October 25, 2024, amid the ongoing war between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)
Displaced Palestinian children sit amid the rubble of a destroyed building in the Nasser district of Gaza City, in the northern Gaza Strip on October 25, 2024, amid the ongoing war between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)
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With No Exit Strategy for Israel in Gaza, Critics Fear an Open-Ended Stay

 Displaced Palestinian children sit amid the rubble of a destroyed building in the Nasser district of Gaza City, in the northern Gaza Strip on October 25, 2024, amid the ongoing war between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)
Displaced Palestinian children sit amid the rubble of a destroyed building in the Nasser district of Gaza City, in the northern Gaza Strip on October 25, 2024, amid the ongoing war between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)

Retired Israeli general Giora Eiland believes Israel faces months of fighting in Gaza unless Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu uses the chance offered by the death of Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar to end the war.

Since Sinwar's death this month, Eiland has been one of a chorus of former senior army officers questioning the government's strategy in Gaza, where earlier this month troops went back into areas of the north that had already been cleared at least twice before.

For the past three weeks, Israeli troops have been operating around Jabalia, in northern Gaza, the third time they have returned to the town and its historic refugee camp since the beginning of the war in October 2023.

Instead of the Israeli military's preferred approach of quick decisive actions, many former security officials say the army risks being bogged down in an open-ended campaign requiring a permanent troop presence.

"The Israeli government is acting in total opposition to Israel's security concept," Yom-Tov Samia, former head of the military's Southern Command, told Kan public radio.

Part of the operation has involved evacuating thousands of people from the area in an effort to separate civilians from Hamas fighters. The military says it has moved around 45,000 civilians from the area around Jabalia and killed hundreds of militants during the operation. But it has been heavily criticized for the large number of civilian casualties also reported, and faced widespread calls to get more aid supplies in to alleviate a humanitarian crisis in the area.

Eiland, a former head of Israel's National Security Council, was the lead author of a much-discussed proposal dubbed "the generals' plan" that would see Israel rapidly clear northern Gaza of civilians before starving out surviving Hamas fighters by cutting off their water and food supplies.

The Israeli moves this month have aroused Palestinian accusations that the military has embraced Eiland's plan, which he envisaged as a short-term measure to take on Hamas in the north but which Palestinians see as aimed at clearing the area permanently to create a buffer zone for the military after the war.

The military has denied it is following any such plan and Eiland himself believes the strategy adopted is neither his plan, nor a classical occupation.

"I don't know exactly what is happening in Jabalia," Eiland told Reuters. "But I think that the IDF (Israel Defense Forces) is doing something which is in between the two alternatives, the ordinary military attack and my plan," he said.

NO PLAN TO STAY

From the outset of the war, Netanyahu declared Israel would get hostages home and dismantle Hamas as a military and governing force, and did not intend to stay in Gaza.

But his government never articulated a clear policy for the aftermath of the campaign, launched following the attack on Oct. 7, 2023 on southern Israeli communities by Hamas gunmen who killed some 1,200 people and took more than 250 hostages.

The Israeli onslaught has killed nearly 43,000 Palestinians, according to Gaza health officials, and the enclave has been largely reduced to a wasteland that will require billions of dollars in international assistance to rebuild.

For months there have been open disagreements between Netanyahu and Defense Minister Yoav Gallant that reflect a wider division between the governing coalition and the military, which has long favored reaching a deal to end the fighting and bring the hostages home.

With no agreed strategy, Israel risks being stuck in Gaza for the foreseeable future, said Ofer Shelah, director of the Israel National Security Policy research program at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv.

"The situation for Israel is very precarious right now. We are sliding towards a situation where Israel is considered the de facto ruler in Gaza," he said.

The Israeli government did not immediately respond to a request for a comment on suggestions that the military is getting bogged down in Gaza.

HIT AND RUN RAIDS

With Israel's military focus now directed against the Iranian-backed Hezbollah movement in Lebanon, the number of army divisions engaged in Gaza is down to two, compared with five at the start of the war. According to estimates from Israeli security sources there are 10,000-15,000 troops in each IDF division.

The Israeli military estimates that the 25 Hamas battalions it assessed Hamas possessed at the start of the war have been destroyed long ago, and around half the force, or some 17,000-18,000 fighters have been killed. But bands of fighters remain to conduct hit and run raids on Israeli troops.

"We don't engage with tanks on the ground, we choose our targets," said one Hamas fighter, contacted through a chat app. "We are acting in a way that keeps us fighting for the longest time possible."

Although such tactics will not prevent Israel's military from moving around Gaza as it wants, they still have the potential to impose a significant cost on Israel.

The commander of Israel's 401st Armored Brigade was killed in Gaza this week when he got out of his tank to talk to other commanders at an observation point where militants had rigged up a booby trap bomb. He was one of the most senior officers killed in Gaza during the war. Three soldiers were killed on Friday.

"With the killing of Sinwar, there is no logic in remaining in Gaza," said a former top military official with direct experience of the enclave, who asked not to be named. "Methodical" pinpointed operations going forward should be carried out if Hamas regroups and resumes any war on Israel, but the risk of leaving troops permanently in Gaza was a major danger, the former official said, advocating securing the hostages and getting out.

Netanyahu's office said on Thursday that Israeli negotiators would fly to Qatar this weekend to join long-stalled talks on a ceasefire deal and the release of hostages. But what Hamas' position will be and who Israel will allow to run the enclave when the fighting stops remains unclear.

Netanyahu has denied any plans to stay on in Gaza or to allow Israeli settlers to return, as many Palestinians fear.

But the hardline pro-settler parties in his coalition and many in his own Likud party would like nothing more than to reverse the 2005 unilateral removal of Israeli settlers by former Prime Minister Ariel Sharon.

Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who heads one of the pro-settler parties, said on Thursday - at the close of the Jewish holiday of Simchat Torah - that he hoped to celebrate the festival next year in the old Gaza settlement bloc of Gush Katif.