Middle East Conflict Looms over US Presidential Race as Harris and Trump Jostle for an Edge

Republican presidential nominee and former US President Donald Trump looks on as Democratic presidential nominee and US Vice President Kamala Harris' face appears as a video plays on a screen, during a rally at Huntington Place in Detroit, Michigan, US October 18, 2024. (Reuters)
Republican presidential nominee and former US President Donald Trump looks on as Democratic presidential nominee and US Vice President Kamala Harris' face appears as a video plays on a screen, during a rally at Huntington Place in Detroit, Michigan, US October 18, 2024. (Reuters)
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Middle East Conflict Looms over US Presidential Race as Harris and Trump Jostle for an Edge

Republican presidential nominee and former US President Donald Trump looks on as Democratic presidential nominee and US Vice President Kamala Harris' face appears as a video plays on a screen, during a rally at Huntington Place in Detroit, Michigan, US October 18, 2024. (Reuters)
Republican presidential nominee and former US President Donald Trump looks on as Democratic presidential nominee and US Vice President Kamala Harris' face appears as a video plays on a screen, during a rally at Huntington Place in Detroit, Michigan, US October 18, 2024. (Reuters)

Two weeks out from Election Day, the crisis in the Middle East is looming over the race for the White House, with one candidate struggling to find just the right words to navigate its difficult cross-currents and the other making bold pronouncements that the age-old conflict can quickly be set right.

Vice President Kamala Harris has been painstakingly — and not always successfully — trying to balance talk of strong support for Israel with harsh condemnations of civilian casualties among Palestinians and others caught up in Israel's wars against Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon.

Former President Donald Trump, for his part, insists that none of this would have happened on his watch and that he can make it all go away if elected.

Both of them are bidding for the votes of Arab and Muslim American voters and Jewish voters, particularly in extremely tight races in the battleground states of Michigan and Pennsylvania.

Harris over the weekend alternately drew praise and criticism over her comments about a pro-Palestinian protester that were captured on a widely shared video. Some took Harris' remark that the protester's concerns were "real" to be an expression of agreement with his description of Israel’s conduct as "genocide." That drew sharp condemnation from Israel’s former ambassador to the US, Michael Oren.

But Harris' campaign said that while the vice president was agreeing more generally about the plight of civilians in Gaza, she was not and would not accuse Israel of genocide.

A day earlier, the dynamics were reversed when Harris told reporters that the "first and most tragic story" of the conflict was the Oct. 7 Hamas attack last year that killed about 1,200 Israelis. That was triggering to those who feel she is not giving proper weight to the deaths of the more than 41,000 Palestinians who have been killed in Gaza.

Trump, meanwhile, in recent days has participated in interviews with Saudi-owned Al-Arabiya and Lebanese outlet MTV, where he promised to bring about peace and said "things will turn out very well" in Lebanon.

In a post on his social media platform Monday, he predicted a Harris presidency would only make matters in the Mideast worse.

"If Kamala gets four more years, the Middle East will spend the next four decades going up in flames, and your kids will be going off to War, maybe even a Third World War, something that will never happen with President Donald J. Trump in charge," Trump posted. "For our Country’s sake, and for your kids, Vote Trump for PEACE!"

Harris' position is particularly awkward because as vice president she is tethered to President Joe Biden’s foreign policy decisions even as she’s tried to strike a more empathetic tone to all parties. But Harris aides and allies also are frustrated with what they see as Trump largely getting a pass on some of his unpredictable foreign policy statements.

"It’s the very thoughtful, very careful school versus the showboat," said James Zogby, founder and president of the Arab American Institute, who has endorsed Harris. "That does become a handicap in these late stages when he’s making all these overtures. When the bill comes due, they’re going to walk away empty-handed, but by then it’ll be too late."

The political divisions on the campaign trail augur potentially significant implications after Election Day as powers in the region, particularly Israel's Benjamin Netanyahu, closely eye the outcome and the potential for any shifts to US foreign policy.

A new AP-NORC poll finds that neither Trump nor Harris has a clear political advantage on the situation in the Middle East. About 4 in 10 registered voters say Trump would do a better job, and a similar share say that about Harris. Roughly 2 in 10 say neither candidate would do a better job.

There are some signs of weakness on the issue for Harris within her own party, however. Only about two-thirds of Democratic voters say Harris would be the better candidate to handle the situation in the Middle East. Among Republicans, about 8 in 10 say Trump would be better.

In Michigan, which has the nation’s largest concentration of Arab Americans, the Israel-Hamas war has profound and personal impacts on the community. In addition to many community members having family in both Lebanon and Gaza, Kamel Ahmad Jawad, a metro Detroit resident, was killed while trying to deliver aid to his hometown in southern Lebanon.

The war’s direct impact on the community has fueled outrage and calls for the US to demand an unconditional ceasefire and impose a weapons embargo on Israel.

Although both parties have largely supported Israel, much of the outrage and blame has been directed at Biden. When Harris entered the race, many Arab American leaders initially felt a renewed sense of optimism, citing her past comments and the early outreach efforts of her campaign.

However, that optimism quickly faded as the community perceived that she had not sufficiently distanced her policies from those of Biden.

"To say to Arab Americans, ‘Trump is going to be worse’ — what is worse than having members of your family killed?" said Rima Meroueh, director of the National Network for Arab American Communities. "That’s what people are saying when they’re asked the question, ‘Isn’t Trump going to be worse?’ It can’t be worse than what’s happening to us right now."

Future Coalition PAC, a super PAC backed by billionaire Elon Musk, is running ads in Arab American communities in Michigan focused on Harris’ support for Israel, complete with a photo of her and her husband, Doug Emhoff, who is Jewish.

The same group is sending the opposite message to Jewish voters in Pennsylvania, attacking her support for the withholding of some weapons from Israel — a Biden administration move to pressure the longtime US ally to limit civilian casualties.

Harris spokesperson Morgan Finkelstein cast Trump's approach toward the Middle East as part of a broader sign that "an unchecked, unhinged Trump is simply too dangerous — he would bring us right back to the chaotic, go-it-alone approach that made the world less safe and he would weaken America."



With No Exit Strategy for Israel in Gaza, Critics Fear an Open-Ended Stay

 Displaced Palestinian children sit amid the rubble of a destroyed building in the Nasser district of Gaza City, in the northern Gaza Strip on October 25, 2024, amid the ongoing war between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)
Displaced Palestinian children sit amid the rubble of a destroyed building in the Nasser district of Gaza City, in the northern Gaza Strip on October 25, 2024, amid the ongoing war between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)
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With No Exit Strategy for Israel in Gaza, Critics Fear an Open-Ended Stay

 Displaced Palestinian children sit amid the rubble of a destroyed building in the Nasser district of Gaza City, in the northern Gaza Strip on October 25, 2024, amid the ongoing war between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)
Displaced Palestinian children sit amid the rubble of a destroyed building in the Nasser district of Gaza City, in the northern Gaza Strip on October 25, 2024, amid the ongoing war between Israel and Hamas. (AFP)

Retired Israeli general Giora Eiland believes Israel faces months of fighting in Gaza unless Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu uses the chance offered by the death of Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar to end the war.

Since Sinwar's death this month, Eiland has been one of a chorus of former senior army officers questioning the government's strategy in Gaza, where earlier this month troops went back into areas of the north that had already been cleared at least twice before.

For the past three weeks, Israeli troops have been operating around Jabalia, in northern Gaza, the third time they have returned to the town and its historic refugee camp since the beginning of the war in October 2023.

Instead of the Israeli military's preferred approach of quick decisive actions, many former security officials say the army risks being bogged down in an open-ended campaign requiring a permanent troop presence.

"The Israeli government is acting in total opposition to Israel's security concept," Yom-Tov Samia, former head of the military's Southern Command, told Kan public radio.

Part of the operation has involved evacuating thousands of people from the area in an effort to separate civilians from Hamas fighters. The military says it has moved around 45,000 civilians from the area around Jabalia and killed hundreds of militants during the operation. But it has been heavily criticized for the large number of civilian casualties also reported, and faced widespread calls to get more aid supplies in to alleviate a humanitarian crisis in the area.

Eiland, a former head of Israel's National Security Council, was the lead author of a much-discussed proposal dubbed "the generals' plan" that would see Israel rapidly clear northern Gaza of civilians before starving out surviving Hamas fighters by cutting off their water and food supplies.

The Israeli moves this month have aroused Palestinian accusations that the military has embraced Eiland's plan, which he envisaged as a short-term measure to take on Hamas in the north but which Palestinians see as aimed at clearing the area permanently to create a buffer zone for the military after the war.

The military has denied it is following any such plan and Eiland himself believes the strategy adopted is neither his plan, nor a classical occupation.

"I don't know exactly what is happening in Jabalia," Eiland told Reuters. "But I think that the IDF (Israel Defense Forces) is doing something which is in between the two alternatives, the ordinary military attack and my plan," he said.

NO PLAN TO STAY

From the outset of the war, Netanyahu declared Israel would get hostages home and dismantle Hamas as a military and governing force, and did not intend to stay in Gaza.

But his government never articulated a clear policy for the aftermath of the campaign, launched following the attack on Oct. 7, 2023 on southern Israeli communities by Hamas gunmen who killed some 1,200 people and took more than 250 hostages.

The Israeli onslaught has killed nearly 43,000 Palestinians, according to Gaza health officials, and the enclave has been largely reduced to a wasteland that will require billions of dollars in international assistance to rebuild.

For months there have been open disagreements between Netanyahu and Defense Minister Yoav Gallant that reflect a wider division between the governing coalition and the military, which has long favored reaching a deal to end the fighting and bring the hostages home.

With no agreed strategy, Israel risks being stuck in Gaza for the foreseeable future, said Ofer Shelah, director of the Israel National Security Policy research program at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv.

"The situation for Israel is very precarious right now. We are sliding towards a situation where Israel is considered the de facto ruler in Gaza," he said.

The Israeli government did not immediately respond to a request for a comment on suggestions that the military is getting bogged down in Gaza.

HIT AND RUN RAIDS

With Israel's military focus now directed against the Iranian-backed Hezbollah movement in Lebanon, the number of army divisions engaged in Gaza is down to two, compared with five at the start of the war. According to estimates from Israeli security sources there are 10,000-15,000 troops in each IDF division.

The Israeli military estimates that the 25 Hamas battalions it assessed Hamas possessed at the start of the war have been destroyed long ago, and around half the force, or some 17,000-18,000 fighters have been killed. But bands of fighters remain to conduct hit and run raids on Israeli troops.

"We don't engage with tanks on the ground, we choose our targets," said one Hamas fighter, contacted through a chat app. "We are acting in a way that keeps us fighting for the longest time possible."

Although such tactics will not prevent Israel's military from moving around Gaza as it wants, they still have the potential to impose a significant cost on Israel.

The commander of Israel's 401st Armored Brigade was killed in Gaza this week when he got out of his tank to talk to other commanders at an observation point where militants had rigged up a booby trap bomb. He was one of the most senior officers killed in Gaza during the war. Three soldiers were killed on Friday.

"With the killing of Sinwar, there is no logic in remaining in Gaza," said a former top military official with direct experience of the enclave, who asked not to be named. "Methodical" pinpointed operations going forward should be carried out if Hamas regroups and resumes any war on Israel, but the risk of leaving troops permanently in Gaza was a major danger, the former official said, advocating securing the hostages and getting out.

Netanyahu's office said on Thursday that Israeli negotiators would fly to Qatar this weekend to join long-stalled talks on a ceasefire deal and the release of hostages. But what Hamas' position will be and who Israel will allow to run the enclave when the fighting stops remains unclear.

Netanyahu has denied any plans to stay on in Gaza or to allow Israeli settlers to return, as many Palestinians fear.

But the hardline pro-settler parties in his coalition and many in his own Likud party would like nothing more than to reverse the 2005 unilateral removal of Israeli settlers by former Prime Minister Ariel Sharon.

Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who heads one of the pro-settler parties, said on Thursday - at the close of the Jewish holiday of Simchat Torah - that he hoped to celebrate the festival next year in the old Gaza settlement bloc of Gush Katif.