Iron-Fisted Assad Never Quelled the Syrian Uprising that Came Back to Topple Him

A portrait of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad is pictured with its frame broken, in a Syrian regime's Political Security Branch facility on the outskirts of the central city of Hama, following the capture of the area by anti-government forces, on December 7, 2024. (AFP)
A portrait of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad is pictured with its frame broken, in a Syrian regime's Political Security Branch facility on the outskirts of the central city of Hama, following the capture of the area by anti-government forces, on December 7, 2024. (AFP)
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Iron-Fisted Assad Never Quelled the Syrian Uprising that Came Back to Topple Him

A portrait of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad is pictured with its frame broken, in a Syrian regime's Political Security Branch facility on the outskirts of the central city of Hama, following the capture of the area by anti-government forces, on December 7, 2024. (AFP)
A portrait of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad is pictured with its frame broken, in a Syrian regime's Political Security Branch facility on the outskirts of the central city of Hama, following the capture of the area by anti-government forces, on December 7, 2024. (AFP)

Syria's Bashar al-Assad used Russian and Iranian firepower to beat back opposition forces during years of civil war but never defeated them, leaving him vulnerable to their breathtaking advance when his allies were distracted by wars elsewhere.

President for 24 years, Assad flew out of Damascus for an unknown destination early on Sunday, two senior army officers told Reuters. The opposition factions declared the city "free of the tyrant Bashar al-Assad". A half-century of Assad family rule was over, army command told officers, according to a Syrian officer.

Statues of Assad's father and brother were toppled in cities taken by the opposition, while pictures of him on billboards and government offices were torn down, stamped on, burned or riddled with bullets.

Assad became president in 2000 after his father Hafez died, preserving the family's iron-fisted rule and the dominance of their Alawite sect in the Sunni Muslim-majority country and Syria's status as an Iranian ally hostile to Israel and the US.

Shaped in its early years by the Iraq war and crisis in Lebanon, Assad's rule was defined by civil war, which spiraled out of the 2011 Arab Spring, when Syrians demanding democracy took to the streets, to be met with deadly force.

Branded an "animal" in 2018 by US President Donald Trump for using chemical weapons - an accusation he denied - Assad outlasted many of the foreign leaders who believed his demise was imminent in the early days of the conflict, when he lost swathes of Syria to the opposition.

Helped by Russian air strikes and Iranian-backed militias, he clawed back much of the lost territory during years of military offensives, including siege warfare condemned as "medieval" by UN investigators.

With his opponents largely confined to a corner of northwestern Syria, he presided over several years of relative calm, though large parts of the country remained out of his grasp and the economy was shackled by international sanctions.

Assad re-established ties with Arab states that once shunned him but remained a pariah to much of the world and never managed to revive the shattered Syrian state, whose armed forces swiftly retreated in the face of opposition advances.

He has not delivered any public remarks since the opposition took Aleppo a week ago but said in a call with Iran's president that the escalation sought to redraw the region for Western interests, echoing his view of the revolt as a foreign-backed conspiracy.

Justifying his response to the opposition in its early stages, Assad compared himself to a surgeon. "Do we say to him: 'Your hands are covered in blood?' Or do we thank him for saving the patient?" he said in 2012.

Early in the conflict, as the opposition seized town after town, Assad oozed confidence.

"We will hit them with an iron fist and Syria will return to how it was," he told soldiers after taking back the town of Maaloula in 2014.

He delivered on the first pledge, but not the second. Years later, large parts of Syria remained outside state control, cities were flattened, the death toll topped 350,000 and more than a quarter of the population had fled abroad.

RED LINES

Assad was backed by those Syrians who believed he was saving them from extremists.

As al-Qaeda-inspired opposition groups gained prominence, this fear resonated among minorities. Opposition forces sought to assure Christians, Alawites and other minorities they would be protected as they advanced this week.

Assad clung to the idea of Syria as a bastion of secular Arab nationalism even as the conflict appeared ever more sectarian. Speaking to Foreign Affairs in 2015, he said Syria's army was "made up of every color of Syrian society".

But to his opponents, he was fueling sectarianism.

The conflict's sectarian edge was hardened by the arrival of Iranian-backed Shiite fighters from across the Middle East to support Assad, and as Türkiye the opposition.

Assad's value to Iran was underscored by a senior Iranian official who declared in 2015 that his fate was a "red line" for Tehran.

While Iran stood by Assad, the United States failed to enforce its own "red line" - set by President Barack Obama in 2012 against the use of chemical weapons.

UN-backed investigations have concluded Damascus used chemical weapons.

A sarin gas attack on the opposition-held Ghouta in 2013 killed hundreds, but Moscow brokered a deal for Syria's chemical weapons to be destroyed, averting a US response. Still, poison gas continued to hit opposition areas, with a 2017 sarin attack prompting Trump to order a cruise missile response.

Assad has denied accusations the state was to blame.

He similarly denied the army had dropped barrel bombs packed with explosives that caused indiscriminate destruction. He appeared to make light of the accusation in a BBC interview in 2015, saying: "I haven't heard of the army using barrels, or maybe, cooking pots."

He also dismissed tens of thousands of photos showing torture of people in government custody as being part of a foreign plot.

As fighting died down, Assad accused Syria's enemies of economic warfare.

EYE DOCTOR

Assad often presented himself as a humble man of the people, appearing in films driving a modest family car and in photographs with his wife visiting war veterans in their homes.

He took office in 2000 after his father's death, but had not always been destined for the presidency.

Hafez had groomed another son, Bassel, to succeed him. But when Bassel died in a 1994 car crash, Bashar was transformed from an eye doctor in London - where he studied as a postgraduate - to heir apparent.

Upon becoming president, Assad seemed to adopt liberal reforms, painted optimistically as "the Damascus spring".

He released hundreds of political prisoners, made overtures to the West and opened the economy to private companies.

His marriage to British-born former investment banker Asma Akhras - with whom he had three children - helped foster hopes he could take Syria down a more reformist path.

High points of his early dalliance with Western leaders included attending a Paris summit where he was a guest of honor at the annual Bastille Day military parade.

But with the political system he inherited left intact, signs of change quickly dried up.

Dissidents were jailed and economic reforms contributed to what US diplomats described, in a 2008 embassy cable released by WikiLeaks, as "parasitic" nepotism and corruption.

While the elite did well, drought drove the poor from rural areas to slums where the revolt would blaze.

Tensions built with the West after the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 turned the Middle Eastern power balance on its head.

The assassination of Lebanon's former Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri in Beirut in 2005 prompted Western pressure that forced Syria's withdrawal from its neighbor. An initial international probe implicated senior Syrian and Lebanese figures in the killing.

While Syria denied involvement, former Vice President Abdel-Halim Khaddam said Assad had threatened Hariri months earlier - an accusation Assad also denied.

Fifteen years later, a UN-backed court found a member of the Iranian-backed Hezbollah guilty of conspiring to kill Hariri. Hezbollah, an Assad ally, denied any role.



Damascus’ Mazzeh 86 Neighborhood, Witness of The Two-Assad Era

Members of the Syrian Arab Red Crescent stand near the wreckage of a car after what the Syrian state television said was a "guided missile attack" on the car in the Mazzeh area of Damascus, Syria October 21, 2024. REUTERS/Firas Makdesi
Members of the Syrian Arab Red Crescent stand near the wreckage of a car after what the Syrian state television said was a "guided missile attack" on the car in the Mazzeh area of Damascus, Syria October 21, 2024. REUTERS/Firas Makdesi
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Damascus’ Mazzeh 86 Neighborhood, Witness of The Two-Assad Era

Members of the Syrian Arab Red Crescent stand near the wreckage of a car after what the Syrian state television said was a "guided missile attack" on the car in the Mazzeh area of Damascus, Syria October 21, 2024. REUTERS/Firas Makdesi
Members of the Syrian Arab Red Crescent stand near the wreckage of a car after what the Syrian state television said was a "guided missile attack" on the car in the Mazzeh area of Damascus, Syria October 21, 2024. REUTERS/Firas Makdesi

In the Mazzeh 86 neighborhood, west of the Syrian capital Damascus, the names of many shops, grocery stores, and public squares still serve as a reminder of the era of ousted Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and his late father, Hafez al-Assad.

This is evident in landmarks like the “Al-Hafez Restaurant,” one of the prominent features of this area. Squares such as “Al-Areen,” “Officers,” and “Bride of the Mountain” evoke memories of the buildings surrounding them, which once housed influential officials and high-ranking officers in intelligence and security agencies. These individuals instilled fear in Syrians for five decades until their historic escape on the night of the regime’s collapse last month.

In this neighborhood, the effects of Israeli bombing are clearly visible, as it was targeted multiple times. Meanwhile, its narrow streets and alleys were strewn with military uniforms abandoned by leaders who fled before military operations arrived and liberated the area from their grip on December 8 of last year.

Here, stark contradictions come to light during a tour by Asharq Al-Awsat in a district that, until recently, was largely loyal to the former president. Muaz, a 42-year-old resident of the area, recounts how most officers and security personnel shed their military uniforms and discarded them in the streets on the night of Assad’s escape.

He said: “Many of them brought down their weapons and military ranks in the streets and fled to their hometowns along the Syrian coast.”

Administratively part of Damascus, Mazzeh 86 consists of concrete blocks randomly built between the Mazzeh Western Villas area, the Mazzeh Highway, and the well-known Sheikh Saad commercial district. Its ownership originally belonged to the residents of the Mazzeh area in Damascus. The region was once agricultural land and rocky mountain terrain. The peaks extending toward Mount Qasioun were previously seized by the Ministry of Defense, which instructed security and army personnel to build homes there without requiring property ownership documents.

Suleiman, a 30-year-old shop owner, who sells white meat and chicken, hails from the city of Jableh in the coastal province of Latakia. His father moved to this neighborhood in the 1970s to work as an army assistant.

Suleiman says he hears the sound of gunfire every evening, while General Security patrols roam the streets “searching for remnants of the former regime and wanted individuals who refuse to surrender their weapons. We fear reprisals and just want to live in peace.”

He mentioned that prices before December 8 were exorbitant and beyond the purchasing power of Syrians, with the price of a kilogram of chicken exceeding 60,000 Syrian pounds and a carton of eggs reaching 75,000.

“A single egg was sold for 2,500 pounds, which is far beyond the purchasing power of any employee in the public or private sector,” due to low salaries and the deteriorating living conditions across the country,” Suleiman added.

On the sides of the roads, pictures of the fugitive president and his father, Hafez al-Assad, were torn down, while military vehicles were parked, awaiting instructions.

Maram, 46, who previously worked as a civilian employee in the Ministry of Defense, says she is waiting for the resolution of employment statuses for workers in army institutions. She stated: “So far, there are no instructions regarding our situation. The army forces and security personnel have been given the opportunity for settlement, but there is no talk about us.”

The neighborhood, in its current form, dates back to the 1980s when Rifaat al-Assad, the younger brother of former President Hafez al-Assad, was allowed to construct the “Defense Palace,” which was referred to as “Brigade 86.” Its location is the same area now known as Mazzeh Jabal 86.

The area is divided into two parts: Mazzeh Madrasa (School) and Mazzeh Khazan (Tank). The first takes its name from the first school built and opened in the area, while the second is named after the water tank that supplies the entire Mazzeh region.

Two sources from the Mazzeh Municipality and the Mukhtar’s office estimate the neighborhood’s current population at approximately 200,000, down from over 300,000 before Assad’s fall. Most residents originate from Syria’s coastal regions, followed by those from interior provinces like Homs and Hama. There was also a portion of Kurds who had moved from the Jazira region in northeastern Syria to live there, but most returned to their areas due to the security grip and after the “Crisis Cell” bombing that killed senior security officials in mid-2012.

Along the main street connecting Al-Huda Square to Al-Sahla Pharmacy, torn images of President Hafez al-Assad are visible for the first time in this area in five decades. On balconies and walls, traces of Bashar al-Assad’s posters remain, bearing witness to his 24-year era.