What Could Happen Next in Sudan's Civil War

Sudanese men walk past a bullet-riddled building in Khartoum's twin-city Omdurman on March 20, 2025. (Photo by Ebrahim Hamid / AFP)
Sudanese men walk past a bullet-riddled building in Khartoum's twin-city Omdurman on March 20, 2025. (Photo by Ebrahim Hamid / AFP)
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What Could Happen Next in Sudan's Civil War

Sudanese men walk past a bullet-riddled building in Khartoum's twin-city Omdurman on March 20, 2025. (Photo by Ebrahim Hamid / AFP)
Sudanese men walk past a bullet-riddled building in Khartoum's twin-city Omdurman on March 20, 2025. (Photo by Ebrahim Hamid / AFP)

The war in Sudan appears to be reaching a critical juncture after nearly two years of fighting that has killed tens of thousands, driven millions from their homes and spread famine.

In recent months, the military has been making steady advances against its rival, the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, and it says it has wrested back control of the capital, Khartoum. That includes the iconic Republican Palace. The RSF has not acknowledged the loss.

While the war is unlikely to end soon, here is a look at what the developments could mean, according to The Associated Press

What’s happening on the ground? The war erupted in April 2023 between the military and the RSF with battles in Khartoum and around the country. The leaders of the two forces had been allies who were meant to have overseen the democratic transition after a popular uprising in 2019, but instead worked together to thwart a return to civilian rule.

However, tensions exploded into a bloody fight for power.

Since then, at least 28,000 people have been killed, though the number is likely far higher. The war has driven more than 14 million people from their homes and pushed parts of the country into famine.

Will this end the war? The military victory in Khartoum likely just moves the war into a new chapter, creating a de facto partition of Sudan into military- and RSF-run zones.

Military chief Gen. Abdel-Fattah Burhan has shown no sign of engaging in serious peace talks. The RSF, headed by Gen. Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, has seemed to be determined to keep fighting.

The RSF still holds much of western Sudan, particularly most of the Darfur region.

The advances in Khartoum may cause strains to break open in the military’s coalition. The military has been backed by a collection of armed factions — including former Darfur forces and armed brigades — that are historic rivals united only by the goal of fighting the RSF.

What is the significance of the RSF recently creating a ‘parallel government’? The RSF and its allies signed a charter in February in Kenya’s capital, Nairobi, establishing a parallel government.

Burhan also has spoken of setting up a transitional government, raising the potential for two rival administrations jockeying for support as their forces battle — entrenching Sudan’s effective partition.

The RSF’s 16-page charter calls for “a secular, democratic and decentralized state,” maintaining what it called Sudan’s “voluntary integrity of its territory and peoples” — a nod to Sudan’s many communities demanding autonomy from Khartoum.

The RSF grew out of the notorious Janjaweed militias, mobilized two decades ago by then-president Omar al-Bashir against populations that identify as Central or East African in Darfur. The Janjaweed were accused of mass killings, rapes and other atrocities.

In the current war, the RSF has been accused of numerous atrocities. The Biden administration slapped Dagalo with sanctions, saying the RSF and its proxies were committing genocide. The RSF has denied committing genocide.

The military has also been accused of abuses and denies that.



In Türkiye, Mass Protests Give Vent to Long Simmering Anger

People protest against the arrest of Istanbul mayor and presidential candidate Ekrem Imamoglu at Beursplein in Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 22 March 2025. (EPA)
People protest against the arrest of Istanbul mayor and presidential candidate Ekrem Imamoglu at Beursplein in Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 22 March 2025. (EPA)
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In Türkiye, Mass Protests Give Vent to Long Simmering Anger

People protest against the arrest of Istanbul mayor and presidential candidate Ekrem Imamoglu at Beursplein in Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 22 March 2025. (EPA)
People protest against the arrest of Istanbul mayor and presidential candidate Ekrem Imamoglu at Beursplein in Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 22 March 2025. (EPA)

The massive street protests gripping Türkiye may have been triggered by the arrest of Istanbul's popular opposition mayor, but they reflect a much broader sense of frustration, observers say.

"There is a great anger. People are spontaneously taking to the streets. Some young people are being politicized for the first time in their lives," said Yuksel Taskin, a lawmaker from the main opposition CHP.

Wednesday's arrest of Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu -- President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's most powerful political rival -- came just days before the CHP was to formally name him their candidate for the 2028 presidential race.

The move sparked a wave of protest which spread within 48 hours to more than two-thirds of Türkiye’s 81 provinces, even including strongholds of Erdogan's ruling AKP such as the central area of Konya, as well as Trabzon and Rize on the Black Sea.

Despite a ban on protests and a heavy police presence on the streets, huge crowds of protesters have taken to the streets, including many university students who are not normally seen as politically engaged.

The protests are the biggest in Türkiye since the massive demonstrations of 2013, which began at Istanbul's Gezi Park to protest its demolition and spread across almost the entire country.

"The feeling of being trapped -- economically, socially, politically, and even culturally -- was already widespread," Kemal Can, journalist and author of numerous books on Turkish society told AFP.

Imamoglu's arrest, he said, had sparked a strong reaction, "especially among young people worried about their future in a country where freedoms are increasingly restricted. It's a reaction that goes well beyond Imamoglu."

"We're the children of the 'raiders' who have now grown up," reads a slogan carried by many young protesters, using an old-fashioned term that Erdogan coined for the 2013 Gezi Park protesters when he was prime minister.

"This is not only about the CHP, but about everyone. The question is whether Türkiye will live under an authoritarian regime or be a democratic country," said Ilhan Uzgel, who handles the party's external relations.

In a bid to highlight the non-partisan nature of the protest movement, the CHP has invited all Turks, not just party members, to join its symbolic primary vote on Sunday when Imamoglu is to be named the party's presidential candidate.

"We are determined to hold this primary although (the government) is trying to block it. But it will go ahead," insisted Uzgel.

The pro-Kurdish opposition DEM, the third party in parliament, has also thrown its support behind the protests which have taken place for three nights in a row outside Istanbul City Hall.

"By using the judiciary, they are trying to reshape the opposition in order to consolidate the regime," explained DEM lawmaker Ibrahim Akin.

DEM is regularly accused by the government of having ties with the banned Kurdish militant PKK, which is blacklisted by Ankara as a terror group.

But in recent months, the Turkish government has sought to end the decades-long conflict and last month, jailed PKK founder Abdullah Ocalan urged his fighters to lay down their weapons and disband.

"For several years, the government has sought to split the opposition, or keep it tied up with internal issues. It has succeeded several times. But this time, the opposition has thwarted this strategy," said Can.

For Gonul Tol of the Washington-based Middle East Institute, the government's efforts to "drive a wedge" between DEM and CHP through its peace overtures towards the PKK had clearly failed, after DEM came out strongly against Imamoglu's arrest.

"The government now seems to be seeing how long this wave of discontent will last, hoping to weaken it through pressure, protest bans and arrests," said Can.

"If the opposition gives in to threats from the authorities who are accusing it of provoking the street, and gives the impression its determination has weakened, the government will increase the pressure," he said.

"The coming days will be crucial."