Education at Risk in West Bank from Israeli Operation, Funding Cuts

 A Palestinian child stands on a street destroyed by Israeli military vehicles during raid, in Jenin camp in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, March 20, 2025. (Reuters)
A Palestinian child stands on a street destroyed by Israeli military vehicles during raid, in Jenin camp in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, March 20, 2025. (Reuters)
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Education at Risk in West Bank from Israeli Operation, Funding Cuts

 A Palestinian child stands on a street destroyed by Israeli military vehicles during raid, in Jenin camp in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, March 20, 2025. (Reuters)
A Palestinian child stands on a street destroyed by Israeli military vehicles during raid, in Jenin camp in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, March 20, 2025. (Reuters)

Every day, children in the West Bank run the gauntlet of Israeli roadblocks, checkpoints and settler attacks on their way to school.

Since Israel launched a major operation in the West Bank in January, the trip has become even more perilous. Thousands of troops are sweeping through refugee camps and cities and demolishing houses and infrastructure, including roads children use to get to school.

Tens of thousands of Palestinians have fled their homes since January in what the United Nations says is the largest displacement in the West Bank since the 1967 war when Israel seized the area, along with Gaza and parts of Jerusalem.

The impact on children's education is reminiscent of the havoc caused in the Gaza Strip during the war that followed a Hamas-led attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, when gunmen killed 1,200 people and took more than 250 hostages.

Children in Gaza had just begun to return to classes among bombed-out buildings when Israeli airstrikes resumed on March 18, shattering a weeks-long ceasefire.

Nearly half of the more than 400 people killed were children that day, one of the deadliest in the conflict, according to Palestinian officials cited by the UN.

Palestinian health authorities have said Israel's ground and air campaign in Gaza killed more than 46,600 people, with just over half of identified victims being women, children or older people.

"The ability for Palestinian children to access quality education in the West Bank or in Gaza has never been under more stress," said Alexandra Saieh, global head of humanitarian policy and advocacy at Save the Children.

ATTACKS ON SCHOOLS

Violence had been on the rise in the West Bank since the war in Gaza. Last year, 85 students were killed and 525 injured in Israeli military operations there, according to a report by the Occupied Palestinian Territory Education Cluster, which includes UN agencies.

Israel says the new operation, which has so far killed more than 30 Palestinians in the West Bank, is aimed at hitting Iranian-backed armed groups, including Hamas and Islamic Jihad, that have established strongholds in the crowded townships that house descendants of Palestinians who fled from their homes in the 1948 Arab-Israeli war.

Constant fighting has paralyzed movement, and more than 806,000 students found their access to education restricted in the West Bank and East Jerusalem in 2024, the Education Cluster report said.

That year, the Palestinian ministry of education recorded more than 2,200 incidents of violence targeting the education system in the West Bank, according to the report.

These included attacks by armed settlers on schools and the detention of students or teachers. At least 109 schools were attacked or vandalized. More than half of Palestinian students reported being delayed or harassed on their way to school, with many saying they had been physically assaulted.

Longer travel times also mean increased costs for already stressed and poorly paid teachers.

"Checkpoints are also increasing risks of violence for students, their caregivers and teachers from Israeli forces or from settlers who, in some areas, have taken advantage of the fact that cars are not able to move to damage them and attack passengers," the report said.

NO MONEY, MORE PROBLEMS

With their incomes plummeting because of the conflict, families have reduced their spending on education, meaning children could be forced to drop out, aid agencies say.

To make matters worse, the UN Palestinian relief agency UNRWA, which runs 96 schools in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, could be forced to stop its work following an Israeli ban on its operations on Israeli territory.

And funding cuts from major donors, including the United States where President Donald Trump has terminated thousands of foreign aid projects, could further cripple services.

"It's not just the US cuts. We're looking at a broader reduction in funding to humanitarian assistance globally, and that's what's alarming," Saieh said, noting that this could have an effect on Palestinians' traditionally high literacy rates.

"Palestinians are known for this ... around the world, and so this is particularly disheartening to see," Saieh said.

The United States and more than a dozen other countries stopped funding the UNRWA in January 2024 after Israel accused 12 of its 13,000 employees of taking part in the Hamas-led attack on Israel.

In December, Sweden also cut its support, a decision the agency said came at the worst time for Palestinian refugees.

"We are living with an accumulated deficit, and that is affecting the quality of our education," Muawia Amar, chief of UNRWA's field educational program in the West Bank, said in an interview with the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

The law banning UNRWA operations on Israeli land came into effect in January, but has not yet been fully implemented.

"At any moment, UNRWA could be prevented from working," Amar said. "I am talking about 47,000 students in UNRWA schools (in the West Bank), and this is a big problem."



Muslim Brotherhood, Jordan’s Governments: From Alliance to Rupture

One of the Islamic Action Front Party’s offices in Jordan (Party’s official website)
One of the Islamic Action Front Party’s offices in Jordan (Party’s official website)
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Muslim Brotherhood, Jordan’s Governments: From Alliance to Rupture

One of the Islamic Action Front Party’s offices in Jordan (Party’s official website)
One of the Islamic Action Front Party’s offices in Jordan (Party’s official website)

The arrival of the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan, marked by periods of resolution and banning of activities, is not disconnected from the long history of the group’s journey in the kingdom, dating back to the mid-1940s when it was first established.

However, this journey—characterized by varying relations with successive governments—began with collaboration and ended in conflict. How did this unfold?

Leaders of Jordan’s Islamic movement, encompassing both the banned Muslim Brotherhood and its political wing, the Islamic Action Front, consistently supported Jordan’s stability during the last decades of the 20th century.

This support, however, shifted into decades of confrontation with the authorities after the divisions within the movement emerged.

A key moment in the movement's history came when Jordanian authorities accused the group of plotting to “stir chaos” and possessing “explosive materials,” marking a significant turning point for the Islamic movement in the kingdom.

This came especially after recordings revealed the arrested individuals’ ties to the unlicensed Brotherhood group in Jordan.

Founded in 1946, the Brotherhood initially operated as a charitable society, providing aid through fundraising efforts. It attracted young people who were influenced by its leaders’ calls for public activism.

Throughout the 1950s, 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s, the Muslim Brotherhood maintained an alliance with the government. Its leaders gradually moved into senior official positions, using their power to expand their grassroots support and promote their message within Jordanian society, which historically had a strong conservative religious base.

During this time, the Brotherhood’s influence on school students was significant. It encouraged protests and sit-ins against political forces opposed to them, particularly the Communist and Ba’ath parties before the latter's split. Clashes occurred between these groups in downtown Amman and in key cities across the kingdom.

In the 1970s, the relationship between the Brotherhood and the government evolved into one of partnership and alliance, particularly under the leadership of former Prime Minister Wasfi Tal. This period saw prominent Islamic leader Ishaq Farhan appointed as Minister of Education and later as Minister of Awqaf, overseeing important reforms in educational curricula.

Farhan’s task of reforming the education system included incorporating the Brotherhood’s religious teachings into school textbooks, reflecting the growing influence of the group in shaping Jordanian public life.

Meanwhile, members of the Brotherhood, funded by the government, pursued advanced studies in the United States, returning to hold key positions in the Ministry of Education, with Abdullatif Arabiyat, a senior member, serving as the ministry’s deputy for almost a decade.

Following the 1979 Iranian Revolution, the Brotherhood sought to capitalize on regional developments, aiming to increase its political influence. Its leadership, particularly in key urban centers such as Amman, Zarqa, and Irbid, began to broaden its outreach.

The Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Awqaf became critical battlegrounds for the Brotherhood, enabling it to infiltrate mosques through imams and transform them into organizational hubs.

This religious outreach laid the groundwork for political mobilization, with gatherings and lessons organized after evening prayers, further solidifying the Brotherhood’s presence in the public sphere.

The political journey of the Brotherhood in Jordan took a dramatic turn in 1989, when the country lifted martial law and resumed parliamentary life after decades of authoritarian rule.

The Brotherhood seized the opportunity, winning a powerful bloc in the 11th Parliament and securing popular support, positioning itself as a key political player.

That era also marked the Brotherhood’s first foray into governance, backing Prime Minister Mudar Badran’s cabinet as part of a national effort to support Iraq against a US-led coalition. It was a rare alignment with the state, underscored by the election of Arabiyat as parliamentary speaker for three consecutive terms — a move widely seen as part of a government-Brotherhood alliance.

In 1992, the group formalized its political arm with the creation of the Islamic Action Front, cementing the link between its religious mission and political ambitions. But the distinction between party and group remained blurred, with critics arguing that the party remained under Brotherhood control.

That same year, tensions flared when the Brotherhood opposed Jordan’s participation in the Madrid Peace Conference, prompting a no-confidence motion against the government of Prime Minister Taher Masri. Although Masri resigned voluntarily, the incident marked the start of growing rifts between the Brotherhood and the state.

The following parliamentary elections in 1993 deepened internal fractures, both within the movement and between the Brotherhood and its political allies. The rift widened further in 1994, when Jordan signed a peace treaty with Israel. The Islamic Action Front boycotted the vote on the treaty, signaling a decisive shift from cooperation to confrontation.

In the aftermath of the peace treaty, the Brotherhood distanced itself from official alliances and became a staunch opponent of normalization with Israel. The group boycotted the 1997 parliamentary elections, a move that triggered an exodus of leaders who opposed the boycott. Some dissidents went on to form the moderate Islamist Wasat Party, led by Abdel Rahim Akkour.

Distrust between the Brotherhood and the government deepened under the shadow of King Hussein’s illness and the succession of King Abdullah II. The movement remained politically dormant until 2003, when the Islamic Action Front re-entered parliament following a two-year suspension of legislative life during the Second Intifada. The party secured 16 seats in the 14th Parliament.

However, the rocky relationship persisted. In 2007, the Brotherhood and its party participated in elections again after negotiations with then-Prime Minister Marouf al-Bakhit. But allegations of large-scale vote rigging saw the Islamic Action Front secure only six seats — a result it denounced as a betrayal of the agreement with the government.

The controversial election result sparked a leadership crisis within the Brotherhood. The group’s hardline faction, known as the Hawks, overpowered the traditional moderates (the Doves) in internal polls, leading to a purge of long-standing leaders.

Accusations emerged that the group had been hijacked by Hamas sympathizers, reshaping the Brotherhood’s identity and guiding principles.

In the years that followed, former leaders split from the movement, accusing its new leadership of dragging the Brotherhood and its political arm into a confrontational path aligned with regional Islamist movements.

From mainstream political player to marginalized actor, the Brotherhood’s trajectory in Jordan mirrors a broader regional trend — one where Islamist movements rise through democratic openings but often clash with the state over ideology, foreign policy, and the limits of political power.