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Netanyahu Faces Far-Right Backlash as Trump Presses to End Gaza War 

Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir walks to visit the Damascus Gate to Jerusalem's Old City, as Israelis mark Jerusalem Day, in Jerusalem May 26, 2025. (Reuters)
Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir walks to visit the Damascus Gate to Jerusalem's Old City, as Israelis mark Jerusalem Day, in Jerusalem May 26, 2025. (Reuters)
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Netanyahu Faces Far-Right Backlash as Trump Presses to End Gaza War 

Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir walks to visit the Damascus Gate to Jerusalem's Old City, as Israelis mark Jerusalem Day, in Jerusalem May 26, 2025. (Reuters)
Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir walks to visit the Damascus Gate to Jerusalem's Old City, as Israelis mark Jerusalem Day, in Jerusalem May 26, 2025. (Reuters)

A rift within Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s far-right coalition is emerging as a flashpoint in efforts to end the war in Gaza, threatening to derail a US push to reshape the political landscape of the Middle East.

Under pressure from Donald Trump to end the two-year-old war, Netanyahu is facing a backlash from ultra-nationalist allies whose opposition to the US president's Gaza proposal could force the Israeli leader into early elections.

Netanyahu has embraced Trump's 20-point plan to end the war, which calls for Gaza's demilitarization and rules out any future governing role for Hamas, though it allows its members to remain if they renounce violence and surrender their weapons.

FAR-RIGHT WORRIED BY PROSPECT OF A 'REVIVED' HAMAS

Hamas also responded positively, partially accepting Trump’s plan, saying it was ready to negotiate the hostages' release and would be part of a "Palestinian national framework" as Gaza's future is addressed.

But the idea that Hamas could still exist, let alone be in a position to continue discussing the Gaza plan after hostages are released, enraged Netanyahu's right-wing coalition partners.

"We cannot agree under any circumstances to a scenario in which the terrorist organization that brought the greatest calamity upon the State of Israel is revived," said National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir.

"We will in no way be partners to that," he said in a post on X after the Sabbath, threatening to quit the government.

If far-right ministers believe Netanyahu has made too many concessions to end the war, his ruling coalition -- the most right-wing government in Israel's history -- could collapse a full year before the next election, which must be held by October 2026.

But insisting on more war in Gaza would antagonize the families of hostages still held by Palestinian militants in Gaza, and could further alienate a war-weary Israeli public as well as Israel's international allies.

TRUMP CALLS FOR HALT TO ISRAELI BOMBARDMENT IN GAZA

Trump has called for Israel to stop bombing Gaza so talks on his plan can play out, starting with indirect negotiations between Israel and Hamas in Egypt's Red Sea resort of Sharm el-Sheikh on Monday for the release of all remaining hostages.

Netanyahu sees the plan starting with the release of hostages in exchange for Palestinian prisoners. Of the 48 hostages remaining in Gaza, 20 are believed to be alive. A second phase would focus on disarming Hamas and demilitarizing Gaza.

But on Saturday, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich said that pausing attacks in Gaza was a "grave mistake". He said that over time this would erode Israel's position as it pursues its aims of freeing the hostages, eliminating Hamas and carrying out the demilitarization of Gaza.

Ben-Gvir and Smotrich, whose parties hold 13 of the Knesset's 120 seats, have long pushed Netanyahu to pursue sweeping, seemingly unattainable goals in Gaza. If both were to leave the government, it would likely trigger an election.

NO GAZA CEASEFIRE YET, SAYS ISRAELI GOVERNMENT

Israeli government spokesperson Shosh Bedrosian told reporters on Sunday that the military had stopped what she said was certain bombings but that there was no ceasefire in place.

The military would continue to act for "defensive purposes", she said. Despite Trump's call to halt the bombing, Israeli strikes on Gaza over the weekend killed dozens of Palestinians.

Netanyahu has framed the plan as a joint effort that advances the government's goals, which include Hamas' surrender and Israeli security control in Gaza and its perimeter.

GOVERNMENT COLLAPSE NOT EXPECTED IMMEDIATELY, POLLSTER SAYS

But Trump's plan lacks details, including any sort of time frame for Hamas to disarm. A vague reference to Palestinian statehood is also likely to infuriate Netanyahu's far-right allies.

Israeli pollster Mitchell Barak, who worked for Netanyahu in the 1990s, said he believed that the government was nearing its end, though he did not expect an immediate collapse given that the opposition supports the Trump plan, while Smotrich and Ben-Gvir have few options other than staying aligned with Netanyahu.

Opposition leader Yair Lapid has offered to lend the government support to prevent it from collapsing in order to see through Trump's plan. Lapid on Sunday said Netanyahu could agree to an election date, offering "insurance" from what he called the prime minister's "extremist and irresponsible partners."

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West Bank’s Ancient Olive Tree a ‘Symbol of Palestinian Endurance’ 

Salah Abu Ali, 52, official guardian of Palestinians alleged oldest olive tree, between 3,000 and 5,000 years old poses for a portrait under it in Al-Walajah, occupied West Bank on November 4, 2025. (AFP)
Salah Abu Ali, 52, official guardian of Palestinians alleged oldest olive tree, between 3,000 and 5,000 years old poses for a portrait under it in Al-Walajah, occupied West Bank on November 4, 2025. (AFP)
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West Bank’s Ancient Olive Tree a ‘Symbol of Palestinian Endurance’ 

Salah Abu Ali, 52, official guardian of Palestinians alleged oldest olive tree, between 3,000 and 5,000 years old poses for a portrait under it in Al-Walajah, occupied West Bank on November 4, 2025. (AFP)
Salah Abu Ali, 52, official guardian of Palestinians alleged oldest olive tree, between 3,000 and 5,000 years old poses for a portrait under it in Al-Walajah, occupied West Bank on November 4, 2025. (AFP)

As guardian of the occupied West Bank's oldest olive tree, Salah Abu Ali prunes its branches and gathers its fruit even as violence plagues the Palestinian territory during this year's harvest.

"This is no ordinary tree. We're talking about history, about civilization, about a symbol," the 52-year-old said proudly, smiling behind his thick beard in the village of Al-Walajah, south of Jerusalem.

Abu Ali said experts had estimated the tree to be between 3,000 and 5,500 years old. It has endured millennia of drought and war in this parched land scarred by conflict.

Around the tree's vast trunk and its dozen offshoots -- some named after his family members -- Abu Ali has cultivated a small oasis of calm.

A few steps away, the Israeli separation wall cutting off the West Bank stands five meters (16 feet) high, crowned with razor wire.

More than half of Al-Walajah's original land now lies on the far side of the Israeli security wall.

Yet so far the village has been spared the settler assaults that have marred this year's olive harvest, leaving many Palestinians injured.

Israel has occupied the West Bank since 1967, and some of the 500,000 Israelis living in the Palestinian territory have attacked farmers trying to access their trees almost every day this year since the season began in mid-October.

The Palestinian Authority's Colonization and Wall Resistance Commission, based in Ramallah, documented 2,350 such attacks in the West Bank in October.

- 'Rooted in this land' -

Almost none of the perpetrators have been held to account by the Israeli authorities.

Israeli forces often disperse Palestinians with tear gas or block access to their own land, AFP journalists witnessed on several occasions.

But in Al-Walajah for now, Abu Ali is free to care for the tree. In a good year, he said, it can yield from 500 to 600 kilograms (1,100 to 1,300 pounds) of olives.

This year, low rainfall led to slim pickings in the West Bank, including for the tree whose many nicknames include the Elder, the Bedouin Tree and Mother of Olives.

"It has become a symbol of Palestinian endurance. The olive tree represents the Palestinian people themselves, rooted in this land for thousands of years," said Al-Walajah mayor Khader Al-Araj.

The Palestinian Authority's agriculture ministry even recognized the tree as a Palestinian natural landmark and appointed Abu Ali as its official caretaker.

Most olive trees reach about three meters in height when mature. This one towers above the rest, its main trunk nearly two meters wide, flanked by a dozen offshoots as large as regular olive trees.

- 'Green gold' -

"The oil from this tree is exceptional. The older the tree, the richer the oil," said Abu Ali.

He noted that the precious resource, which he called "green gold", costs four to five times more than regular oil.

Tourists once came in droves to see the tree, but numbers have dwindled since the start of the war in Gaza in October 2023, Abu Ali said, with checkpoints tightening across the West Bank.

The village of Al-Walajah is not fully immune from the issues facing other West Bank communities.

In 1949, after the creation of Israel, a large portion of the village's land was taken, and many Palestinian families had to leave their homes to settle on the other side of the so-called armistice line.

After Israel's 1967 occupation, most of what remained was designated Area C -- under full Israeli control -- under the 1993 Oslo Accords, which were meant to lead to peace between Palestinians and Israelis.

But the designation left many homes facing demolition orders for lacking Israeli permits, a common problem in Area C, which covers 66 percent of the West Bank.

"Today, Al-Walajah embodies almost every Israeli policy in the West Bank: settlements, the wall, home demolitions, land confiscations and closures," mayor Al-Araj told AFP.

For now, Abu Ali continues to nurture the tree. He plants herbs and fruit trees around it, and keeps a guest book with messages from visitors in dozens of languages.

"I've become part of the tree. I can't live without it," he said.

Features

French Migrant Unit Faces Quiet Standoff With Damascus

A circulated image shows the Ghuraba camp in Harem in Idlib’s countryside
A circulated image shows the Ghuraba camp in Harem in Idlib’s countryside
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French Migrant Unit Faces Quiet Standoff With Damascus

A circulated image shows the Ghuraba camp in Harem in Idlib’s countryside
A circulated image shows the Ghuraba camp in Harem in Idlib’s countryside

The latest clashes in Idlib’s countryside between a French armed faction known as the Ghuraba and Syrian government forces have revived one of the most sensitive and contentious questions in Syria’s new landscape.

In the Harem area north of Idlib, the fighting was not a standalone security incident. It appeared instead to be a test of Damascus’s approach to thousands of foreign fighters who remained on Syrian territory after years of war.

The clearest reading among analysts is that the events marked the start of a more serious engagement with the foreign fighters file.

The issue has returned to the forefront after the emerging Syrian state moved to build trust with the international community by preventing foreigners from assuming leadership posts in the new Syrian army.

How the Story Began

The incident began on October 22 when internal security forces moved into a camp in the town of Harem, where French fighters under the command of Omar Diaby, known as Omar Omsen, live.

The raid was carried out after complaints of serious violations, including the kidnapping of a girl by a group led by Diaby. Officials said Diaby refused to surrender. The operation, according to the official narrative, aimed to enforce the law and assert state authority over the camp.

Diaby’s Response

Diaby, a French commander of African origin, denied the accusations. He accused French intelligence of orchestrating what he described as political targeting. Paris views Diaby as one of the main recruiters of French-speaking jihadists. Washington designated him a global terrorist in 2016.

Ceasefire and Mediation

The clashes ended after a reconciliation meeting mediated by Uzbek, Tajik and Turkestan faction leaders inside the Harem camp. The Ghuraba announced on Telegram that it had reached a ceasefire and thanked what it called migrant and local brothers who supported them.

The Ghuraba’s Composition

The Ghuraba comprises about 70 French fighters living with their families in a fortified camp directly on the Turkish border.

This made the security raid difficult. The six-point agreement reached after the clashes required a ceasefire, opening the camp to the government, referring Diaby’s case to the Sharia court under the justice ministry, withdrawing heavy weapons and guaranteeing that participants in the clashes would not be pursued.

Foreign Fighters in the New State

The number of foreign fighters is estimated at more than five thousand. Most have joined the ministry of defense within the 84th Division. The Syrian government faces pressure from western capitals to keep them away from senior positions. Officials have sought to reassure global partners that these fighters pose no threat to regional or international stability.

Syrian President Ahmed Al Sharaa said fighters who once fought with the opposition are part of the new society and that Syria will deal with them through reconciliation rather than exclusion.

A number of them have already received military ranks and official posts in the army as part of an integration policy. Military officials later stressed that the Harem incident does not signal a change in this policy.

The Military’s Position

A Syrian army official, who requested anonymity, told Asharq Al-Awsat that what happened in Harem did not target foreign fighters who stood with the revolution. He said relations with them are based on mutual commitment. Many of them have formally joined the ministry of defense.

He denied that the operation was a campaign against them. It was simply enforcement of the law. He added that the new Syrian army operates under a clear system of discipline and military orders that applies to all personnel, whether Syrian or migrant.

The Debate Over Terminology

Away from the official version, observers and former military commanders said the crisis reflects deeper questions about state-building and identity.

Abu Yahya Al Shami, a former commander in an Islamic faction, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the core issue is terminology. He argued that describing the fighters as foreigners is neither accurate nor fair because the term carries negative implications.

He prefers calling them migrants, saying this acknowledges the legitimacy they earned through their sacrifices. He believes they have already integrated socially and politically, and that their concerns mirror those of Syrians.

He said the handling of the Harem incident was flawed. The media and security escalation was a mistake. Reconciliation prevented the situation from sliding into a dangerous confrontation. He stressed the need for calm, noting that migrants have legitimate fears of prosecution, deportation or marginalization after the war.

Al Shami rejected describing what happened as a revolt. He said the French fighters are part of the Syrian army. Dialogue and mediation, he added, strengthen state authority more than armed confrontation.

Structural Challenges

Researcher Wael Alwan said the episode revealed deep structural challenges for the Syrian state. He told Asharq Al-Awsat that integration of migrants into state institutions remains incomplete and that the coming phase will test whether the integration is genuine.

Some foreign fighters may never integrate. The state may have to either facilitate their organized departure or prevent them from becoming a threat to stability. Alwan said the authorities will need to balance security and stability with the goals of integration and disbanding armed formations.

He said the government has no option but to dismantle armed groups, Syrian or migrant, because this is necessary for reasserting state authority. The reconciliation approach in Harem, he said, was deliberate and meant to contain the crisis with minimal cost.

Alwan added that some segments of fighters, Syrian and migrant, are dissatisfied with state policies. He said the state now needs a new religious narrative that speaks to these groups, and that steps in this direction have recently begun.

Diverging Views Among Migrant Fighters

To understand the ideological differences among migrants themselves, Asharq Al-Awsat interviewed two commanders serving under the defense ministry. Their views reflected a clear divide.

Abu Muhajir, an Arab national, said he is part of the ministry and fights under its banner. He said migrants came to defend Syrians, not to rule them. With the revolution victorious and the new state established, he said their role is now to follow state policy. They are now part of the Syrian army and abide by all ministry decisions.

In contrast, Abu Muthanna, also a ministry member, expressed reservations about the state’s direction. He said the state had kept regime loyalists in influential positions and tolerated public wrongdoing.

He said this is the opposite of the goals for which many fighters died. Still, he insisted they would not rebel. Their duty, he said, is to advise and warn from within, not to bear arms against the state.

The Ideological Layer

Abdullah Khaled, a former Sharia official in Hayat Tahrir Al Sham and now an adviser in the new Syrian army, explained the divide between these two camps.

Migrants, he said, are driven by convictions deeply rooted in their faith. This commitment is what led them to leave comfortable lives in Europe for what was once one of the most dangerous places in the world.

During the war, factional religious discourse was emotional and mobilizing, suited to fighting and confrontation. But after the fall of the regime and the transition from revolution to state, the discourse of governance naturally changed.

Khaled said the new approach fits the logic of governing a population rather than commanding a fighting group.

This shift, however, clashes with the deeply held beliefs of many migrants and some Syrians. For those who reject the new direction, the options are limited. According to Khaled, they must choose between confrontation, withdrawal into silence, or acceptance and adaptation. The state will not permit a return to the old factional model.

Features

Syrians Furious at Major Hike in Electricity Prices

A view shows electricity pylons in Kiswah, Damascus suburbs, Syria September 8, 2021. Picture taken September 8, 2021. REUTERS/Yamam al Shaar/File Photo
A view shows electricity pylons in Kiswah, Damascus suburbs, Syria September 8, 2021. Picture taken September 8, 2021. REUTERS/Yamam al Shaar/File Photo
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Syrians Furious at Major Hike in Electricity Prices

A view shows electricity pylons in Kiswah, Damascus suburbs, Syria September 8, 2021. Picture taken September 8, 2021. REUTERS/Yamam al Shaar/File Photo
A view shows electricity pylons in Kiswah, Damascus suburbs, Syria September 8, 2021. Picture taken September 8, 2021. REUTERS/Yamam al Shaar/File Photo

In his workshop near the Syrian capital, Ghassan Aama is at a loss following a recent decision to massively hike electricity prices, even as much of the country continues to face extensive outages.

Last month, the energy ministry raised prices by at least 60 times compared to the previous tariff, sending shockwaves through a population already reeling from decades of sanctions and 14 years of war.

"We were surprised to see electricity prices rise, as our income is limited," said Aama, a blacksmith, AFP reported.

"If the bills are high, we might not be able to make ends meet," he added.

Aama already pays a subscription to a private generator so he can run his workshop -- a common practice in the country's whose electricity sector has been ravaged by the civil war, with power cuts reaching up to 20 hours a day.

"We are coming out of a war, and our homes are destroyed... we were hoping things would get better, not worse," he added.

Since the toppling of longtime ruler Bashar al-Assad in December, Syria has slowly begun to emerge from decades of political and economic isolation.

The new authorities are hoping to attract funding and investments for reconstruction, which the World Bank estimated could cost more than $216 billion.

The government's decision to hike tariffs is part of a policy of liberalisation that the government seems to have adopted at the start of the year, said Jihad Yazigi, editor of economic publication The Syria Report.

"What they are doing, basically, is just trying to cut costs and to remove subsidies," he added.

Contrary to what Assad claimed, Yazigi said the Syrian economy was "obviously not a socialist economy".

It was "relatively liberal... and here (they) are liberalizing further", he said, as they also lifted subsidies on bread earlier this year.

But having born the brunt of the country's crippled economy for years, Syrians are struggling to accept yet another blow.

"After liberation, we expected people to return and reconstruction to take place quickly," said Muhieddine Salam, a real estate agent.

"Now, if rent is $200 and the electricity tariff is between $200 and $400, what will I do?"

Vendor Alaa Mussa shared his frustration, arguing that "no one will pay, no one has the money".

"Let them turn the electricity off, it would be better," she told AFP.

"There are no jobs, and all factories are closed... (At first) everyone was happy, we thought money would start coming in, but no one expected this to happen."

Syria previously announced major investment agreements with countries in the region to rebuild infrastructure.

It also announced major agreements with Qatar and Türkiye to supply it with gas for electricity production.

But these projects have yet to make a dent in the daily lives of Syrians.

Nine out of 10 people in the country live in poverty, and one in four is unemployed, according to the United Nations.

Many of them resort to informal, temporary jobs to survive, like Umm al-Zein, 43, who sells bread on the street.

"I can barely afford to pay my son's university tuition and my daughter's private lessons for the high school exam," she said.

"The electricity barely comes on for an hour, and if the electricity doesn't come, the water doesn't come either.

"We will be warming ourselves under blankets in the winter."