What’s at Stake in Iraq’s Parliamentary Election 

A person votes at a polling station during the parliamentary election in Kirkuk, Iraq, November 11, 2025. (Reuters)
A person votes at a polling station during the parliamentary election in Kirkuk, Iraq, November 11, 2025. (Reuters)
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What’s at Stake in Iraq’s Parliamentary Election 

A person votes at a polling station during the parliamentary election in Kirkuk, Iraq, November 11, 2025. (Reuters)
A person votes at a polling station during the parliamentary election in Kirkuk, Iraq, November 11, 2025. (Reuters)

Iraqis were voting on Tuesday in a parliamentary election that comes at a crucial moment for the country and the region. The outcome of the vote will influence whether Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani can serve a second term.

The election comes against the backdrop of fears over another war between Israel and Iran and potential Israeli or US strikes on Iran-backed groups in Iraq. Baghdad seeks to maintain a delicate balance in its relations with Tehran and Washington amid increasing pressure from the Trump administration over the presence of Iran-linked armed groups.

Here's a look at what to expect in the vote.

Iraq's electoral system

This year's election is the seventh since the US-led invasion of 2003 that unseated the country's longtime ruler, Saddam Hussein.

In the security vacuum after Saddam's fall, the country fell into years of bloody civil war that saw the rise of extremist groups, including the ISIS group. But in recent years, the violence has subsided. Rather than security, the main concern of many Iraqis now is the lack of job opportunities and lagging public services, including regular power cuts despite the country's energy wealth.

Under the law, 25% of the country's 329 parliamentary seats must go to women, and nine seats are allocated for religious minorities. The position of speaker of Parliament is also assigned to a Sunni according to convention in Iraq’s post-2003 power-sharing system, while the prime minister is always Shiite and the president a Kurd.

Voter turnout has steadily fallen in recent elections. In the last parliamentary election in 2021, turnout was 41%, a record low in the post-Saddam era, down from 44% in the 2018 election, which at the time was an all-time low.

However, only 21.4 million out of a total of 32 million eligible voters have updated their information and obtained voter cards, a decrease from the last parliamentary election in 2021, when about 24 million voters registered.

Unlike past elections, there are no polling stations outside of the country. Early voting was held on Sunday for members of the security forces and displaced people living in camps.

The main players

There are 7,744 candidates competing, most of them from a range of largely sectarian-aligned parties, in addition to some independents.

They include Shiite blocs led by former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, cleric Ammar al-Hakim, and several linked to armed groups; competing Sunni factions led by former Parliament Speaker Mohammed al-Halbousi and current speaker Mahmoud al-Mashhadani; and also the two main Kurdish parties, the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan.

Several powerful, Iran-linked Shiite militias are participating in the election via associated political parties. They include the Kataib Hezbollah militia, with its Harakat Huqouq bloc, and the Sadiqoun Bloc, led by the leader of the Asaib Ahl al-Haq militia, Qais al-Khazali.

However, one of the most prominent players in the country's politics is sitting the election out.

The popular Sadrist Movement, led by influential Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, is boycotting the vote. Al-Sadr’s bloc won the largest number of seats in the 2021 election but later withdrew after failed negotiations over forming a government, amid a standoff with rival Shiite parties. He has since boycotted the political system.

The Sadrist stronghold of Sadr City on the outskirts of Baghdad is home to roughly 40% of Baghdad's population and has long played a decisive role in shaping the balance of power among Shiite factions.

But in the run-up to this election, the usually vibrant streets were almost entirely devoid of campaign posters or banners. Instead, a few signs calling for an election boycott could be seen.

Meanwhile, some reformist groups emerging from mass anti-government protests that began in October 2019 are participating but have been bogged down by internal divisions and lack of funding and political support.

Concerns about the process

There have been widespread allegations of corruption and vote-buying ahead of the election, and 848 candidates were disqualified by election officials, sometimes for obscure reasons such as allegedly insulting religious rituals or members of the armed forces.

Past elections in Iraq were often marred by political violence, including assassinations of candidates, attacks on polling stations and clashes between supporters of different blocs.

While overall levels of violence have subsided, a candidate was also assassinated in the run-up to this year's election.

On Oct. 15, Baghdad Provincial Council member Safaa al-Mashhadani, a Sunni candidate in the al-Tarmiya district north of the capital, was killed by a car bomb. Five suspects have been arrested in connection with the killing, which is being prosecuted as a terrorist act.

Al-Sudani seeks another term

Al-Sudani came to power in 2022 with the backing of a group of pro-Iran parties but has since sought to balance Iraq’s relations with Tehran and Washington. He has positioned himself as a pragmatist focused on improving public services.

While Iraq has seen relative stability during al-Sudani's first term, he does not have an easy path to a second one. Only one Iraqi prime minister, Maliki, has served more than one term since 2003.

The election outcome will not necessarily indicate whether or not al-Sudani stays. In several past elections in Iraq, the bloc winning the most seats has not been able to impose its preferred candidate.

On one side, al-Sudani faces disagreements with some leaders in the pro-Iran Shiite Coordination Framework bloc that brought him to power over control of state institutions. On the other side, he faces increasing pressure from the US to control the country's militias.

A matter of particular contention has been the fate of the Popular Mobilization Forces, a coalition of militias that formed to fight the ISIS group. It was formally placed under the control of the Iraqi military in 2016 but in practice still operates with significant autonomy. Members of the PMF will be voting alongside Iraqi army soldiers and other security forces on Saturday.



Sudan’s Gum Arabic Industry Crippled as War and Displacement Take Their Toll

A farmer harvests gum arabic near the town of En Nahud in western Sudan, a major center for gum arabic production, December 18, 2012. (Reuters)
A farmer harvests gum arabic near the town of En Nahud in western Sudan, a major center for gum arabic production, December 18, 2012. (Reuters)
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Sudan’s Gum Arabic Industry Crippled as War and Displacement Take Their Toll

A farmer harvests gum arabic near the town of En Nahud in western Sudan, a major center for gum arabic production, December 18, 2012. (Reuters)
A farmer harvests gum arabic near the town of En Nahud in western Sudan, a major center for gum arabic production, December 18, 2012. (Reuters)

Sudan’s war has driven thousands of gum arabic producers from their land, destroyed vast hashab and talh forests, and turned one of the country’s most strategic exports into the subject of international warnings over the possible use of its revenues to finance the conflict.

While the world struggles to trace the gum arabic trade, Sudanese producers face a different crisis: the loss of their land, harvests, and livelihoods, forcing many into displacement and dependence on humanitarian aid.

Aida Hassan has produced gum arabic in the Blue Nile State for more than 15 years, following a family trade passed down through generations. The income once allowed her family to save money and expand its forests and farms. The war, however, turned her from a self-reliant producer into a displaced woman waiting for humanitarian assistance.

She recalled fleeing after the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) stormed the Bout area of Blue Nile State, looting her family’s harvest, farm equipment, and property. She and her relatives walked for 10 days to reach Damazin.

“What we are living through is like a piece of fire,” she said quietly. “All I have are my tears to cool its heat.”

Her story reflects the plight of thousands of producers forced to abandon Sudan’s gum arabic belt, which stretches across 13 states. Most production is concentrated in Kordofan and Darfur, where large areas have fallen under RSF control or become active battlefields, halting production and displacing farmers.

Harvested mainly from hashab and talh trees, gum arabic is a key ingredient in food, pharmaceutical, cosmetics, and soft drink manufacturing.

According to sector officials, Sudan supplies about 80 percent of global gum arabic production. But the war threatens that position as other countries expand output to benefit from disruptions to Sudanese supplies.

Abkar Adouma Ahmed, head of North Darfur’s gum arabic producers, told Asharq Al-Awsat that regional production has fallen below 30,000 metric tons after most producers fled deteriorating security conditions.

“The war destroyed the gum arabic trading exchange, wiped out productive forests, and severely damaged transport routes for moving crops to market,” he stated.

Awadallah Ibrahim, head of the Gum Arabic Farmers Union, estimated that about one million people work in the sector through 5,000 production associations.

Sudan produces around 20 varieties of gum arabic, with hashab and talh among the world’s finest, he said.

Before the war, Darfur produced more than 30,000 metric tons annually and Kordofan about 40,000, in addition to significant output from Blue Nile State. Some parts of Kordofan now produce only around 10,000 metric tons, while thousands of farmers have lost their livelihoods altogether.

Producers from Al-Fulah, En Nahud, Awlad Bakhit in West Kordofan; Ed Dubeibat and Al Quoz in South Kordofan; and large parts of East Darfur have fled to safer states or neighboring countries as their communities became front lines.

In South Kordofan, producers’ association member Othman Bugadi said production has stopped in Kadugli, Dilling, and Habila — three of the state’s seven gum arabic-producing localities. Many farmers have relocated to El Obeid.

Bugadi told Asharq Al-Awsat that Abu Jubeiha has become the main trading hub after markets in North Kordofan shut down, attracting companies seeking to buy the crop. However, many farmers have refused to return to areas recaptured by the army because of the lack of drinking water and the distance from displacement sites.

Production has also ceased in the area stretching west of El Obeid to En Nahud, home to more than 300 villages once known for producing premium gum arabic.

In Blue Nile, producer and trader Shaker Qandil said the RSF attacked previously peaceful areas and looted about 60 percent of the harvest.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that the hardest-hit areas lie north of Kurmuk, south of the Bao locality, and in the Arab area of Tadamon locality.

Fatima Mohamed Ramli, director of the “Natural Gums Department at the National Forest Corporation”, stressed that the war has wiped out entire forests and that only about 40 percent of the gum arabic belt is currently in production.

The agency plans to distribute one million seedlings across Kordofan to restore damaged forests.

The conflict has also fueled looting and smuggling that threaten Sudan’s position in global markets. Sudanese officials accuse the RSF of transporting gum arabic into neighboring countries.

A UN report likewise revealed that large quantities from RSF-controlled areas were moved through neighboring transit countries before being re-exported as local products, making their true origin difficult to trace.

Ahmed Naqad, spokesman for the government affiliated with the Tasis Alliance, did not respond to Asharq Al-Awsat’s request for comment.

Industry representatives agree that ending the war, while essential, will not by itself restore the sector. Recovery will require a comprehensive reconstruction program that finances producers who lost their crops and equipment, secures production areas, restores drinking water and basic services, rehabilitates roads and markets, and protects hashab and talh forests so Sudan can retain its position as the world’s leading producer and exporter of gum arabic.


What to Know about the Challenges Andy Burnham Will Face as UK Prime Minister

 Andy Burnham is pictured before being confirmed as the Labour Party's new leader and the country's next prime minister, during "Labour's Special Conference" in central London on July 17, 2026. (AFP)
Andy Burnham is pictured before being confirmed as the Labour Party's new leader and the country's next prime minister, during "Labour's Special Conference" in central London on July 17, 2026. (AFP)
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What to Know about the Challenges Andy Burnham Will Face as UK Prime Minister

 Andy Burnham is pictured before being confirmed as the Labour Party's new leader and the country's next prime minister, during "Labour's Special Conference" in central London on July 17, 2026. (AFP)
Andy Burnham is pictured before being confirmed as the Labour Party's new leader and the country's next prime minister, during "Labour's Special Conference" in central London on July 17, 2026. (AFP)

Andy Burnham will enter 10 Downing Street on Monday with a wave of enthusiasm behind him and a mountain of challenges ahead.

His coronation as British prime minister may be short-lived as he faces the same struggles as his predecessor in trying to temper a cost-of-living crisis, improve overstretched public services, and step into the international spotlight during major wars in Ukraine and the Middle East.

He arrives after spending most of the past decade running Greater Manchester, in northwest England, before winning his ticket back to Parliament in a special election last month.

Leading a government delivering services for 70 million people will be a monumentally larger task with problems on a larger scale and facing issues foreign to a leader of a region with 3 million residents.

Here are the main issues confronting Burnham and some hints to how he may approach them:

Boosting the economy and decentralizing government

Burnham has been vague, but promised to provide details this week about how he would fund a domestic agenda to kick-start a sluggish economy, enhance services and raise living standards.

“This change today is the most significant change moment in our politics for 40 years," he said Friday as he became Labour Party leader. “It will take us to a country where life is more affordable, and all people and places are lifted from where they are now.”

Burnham inherits an economy that was improving until the Iran war upended forecasts and growth is now widely predicted to slow sharply over this year while inflation rises.

He has said he wants to equalize opportunities around the UK, particularly by decentralizing government, funneling money to local governments and taking back some services that were privatized four decades ago.

His brand of business-friendly socialism — known as “Manchesterism” and aiming to harness private and public money to invest in areas like transportation, housing and infrastructure — could take years to put in place.

Joshi Herrmann, founder of Manchester news site The Mill, who has covered Burnham for years, said he may be able to soften the blow for some people who are struggling.

“But if the essay question is who can get economic growth and who can remodel the economy in the post-Brexit, post-financial crash era, I’d be very surprised if the answer to that question is Andy Burnham,” Herrmann said.

With the uncertain state of public finances, Burnham won’t have much room to raise spending. He is replacing Prime Minister Keir Starmer, who was elected on a manifesto that ruled out increases in the government’s major tax rates, so he’s locked in unless he breaks those pledges.

Burnham said he would not rule out a wealth tax, telling Gary Lineker on the Goalhanger podcast last week that the government “might be having to ask for a little more."

Foreign policy and striking the right tone with Trump

Burnham has little foreign policy experience, but has promised to continue the government’s NATO commitment and support for the UK’s nuclear deterrent.

He said Britain will remain a strong booster of Ukraine and a firm United States ally.

Relations with the US could depend on how he interacts with a capricious President Donald Trump, who initially gave Starmer glowing reviews only to sour on him for not supporting his war with Iran.

Burnham has publicly criticized Trump in the past but has said he would deal with him respectfully, as he does with others, but would also be willing to disagree.

“I like to think I’ve got some personality myself and I’ll just, you know, I’ll deal with him very upfront in the same way,” he told Lineker. "Where you disagree, do it, but do it in a way that is kind of meeting him where he’s at.”

Trump has pushed NATO members to significantly boost military spending, and Burnham will be under pressure to exceed the defense spending goals set out by Starmer.

The defense plan calling for a 15-billion-pound ($20 billion) spending boost is much smaller than military leaders had sought and has been criticized for not being fully funded under the current budget.

Sensitive messaging about Israel's war with Hamas

Burnham has criticized Starmer's approach to Israel's war with Hamas and the devastation of Gaza.

Burnham condemned the Oct. 7, 2023, attacks on southern Israel by Hamas fighters, who killed around 1,200 people and took 251 others hostage, but said the British government waited too long to call for a ceasefire.

More than 73,000 Palestinians have been killed, according to the Gaza Health Ministry, which is part of the Hamas-led government. The ministry, which does not differentiate between civilians and combatants, is staffed by medical professionals who maintain detailed records viewed as generally reliable by United Nations agencies and independent experts.

Burnham said the UK would consider further sanctions against Israelis involved in Gaza violence and illegal West Bank settlements.

The issue is a sensitive one for Labour, which was found to be tainted with antisemitism before Starmer took over, and also relies on the support of a large Muslim population.

Burnham’s comments drew a backlash from Jewish groups, but he's also been criticized by pro-Palestinian groups for not declaring Israel's bombardment of Gaza a genocide.

The thorny issue of migration

During his acceptance speech as Labour’s leader on Friday, Burnham did not mention immigration, which is a top issue for many voters.

Like much of Europe and other wealthier nations, the UK has seen an influx of migrants fleeing war-torn areas, famine, climate-driven crises, political persecution and poverty.

Concerns over English Channel crossings in overcrowded inflatable boats has helped propel the anti-immigration Reform UK party to victory in recent local and regional elections that led Labour to oust Starmer as leader.

Burnham has largely said he would follow the current Labour playbook on migration, which has touted reductions in net migration from more than 900,000 in 2023 to 171,000 last year. Channel crossings are down 40% this year compared to the same time in 2025.

Burnham wants to continue reducing net migration and voted in support of a bill that aims to further cut channel crossings and direct people to safer, legal routes.


In a Lebanon Museum, 'Keys Without Homes' Evoke Destruction in South

An installation featuring keys from destroyed houses in south Lebanon forms part of an ongoing exhibition at a Beirut museum. JOSEPH EID / AFP
An installation featuring keys from destroyed houses in south Lebanon forms part of an ongoing exhibition at a Beirut museum. JOSEPH EID / AFP
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In a Lebanon Museum, 'Keys Without Homes' Evoke Destruction in South

An installation featuring keys from destroyed houses in south Lebanon forms part of an ongoing exhibition at a Beirut museum. JOSEPH EID / AFP
An installation featuring keys from destroyed houses in south Lebanon forms part of an ongoing exhibition at a Beirut museum. JOSEPH EID / AFP

Tears streamed down south Lebanon resident Fatima Hajj Ali's face as she stared at a host of keys hanging like windchimes from the ceiling of a Beirut museum -- each one symbolizing a home, like her own, destroyed by Israel.

Hajj Ali is among the thousands of southerners who lost their houses in the recent conflicts between Israel and Hezbollah, the first of which broke out in 2023 when the group launched attacks in support of its ally Hamas, and the second in March when it entered the Middle East war on the side of its backer Iran, AFP said.

"We were supposed to go home and open the door with the key, but there is no door anymore," the 23-year-old said.

Despite a lull in fighting following the signing of a memorandum of understanding between the United States and Iran on June 17, intermittent Israeli strikes continue, as do widespread demolitions in and around occupied villages, making it impossible for many people to return.

The exhibition "Hkeeli ya Jnoub", or "Tell me, O South", features pictures and videos preserving the memory of southern Lebanon at the capital's Beit Beirut museum.

Walking through, Hajj Ali reminisced on her home in Nabatieh al-Fawqa, which she was only able to visit once after an April truce that ultimately failed to stop the fighting.

"Half the house collapsed and half remained," she told AFP.

"I long for sunset and to hear the call to prayer in our garden while I drink my coffee," said the psychologist, adding that Beirut had "beautiful" places, but "they are not home".

One of the projects on display is "Keys Without Homes", which comprises videos of three southerners who kept the keys to their houses, even though they no longer exist.

The artist, 36-year-old Adeeb Farhat, himself from the south, said the idea came to him during the previous war in 2024, when he feared losing his own home.

"I was constantly haunted by the question: What will happen to my house? Will it be bombed? And how will my relationship with my house key change? Will we become the new Palestinians?" he said.

There is a longstanding tradition among Palestinians of keeping the keys of homes they lost during the Nakba -- or "catastrophe" in Arabic -- which saw the flight and expulsion of an estimated 760,000 Palestinian Arabs during the creation of the State of Israel in 1948.

- 'What Remains' -

Within the exhibition halls, a bedroom, living room and kitchen -- complete with a glass jug, coffee pot, and spice containers -- recreate details of daily life in the homes of southern Lebanese residents.

The exhibition also includes an old photograph of the coastal city of Tyre, a black-and-white video of Nabatieh, and notebooks in which visitors wrote down their memories of the south.

In another work called "What Remains", Sama Beydoun, 29 and living in Paris, showed pictures of her grandfather's now-destroyed home in Bint Jbeil, near the border with Israel, which she last saw in 2025.

However, a technical glitch resulted in most of the images appearing blurry, making them look like a "dream", Beydoun said.

"I remember how many people this house brought together, how my family grew up there, how many generations it witnessed, and how life changed, while some things remained constant", like the weekly Sunday gatherings, she said.

"Life was very simple, but it was beautiful."

In a photo essay called "Manufacturing Estrangements", Rawan Mazeh, 29, tells the story of a couple detained in the notorious Khiam Prison, run by the South Lebanon Army, an Israeli proxy militia, during Israel's 22-year occupation of south Lebanon that ended in 2000.

To Mazeh, the exhibition "created a comfortable place where people could come and feel close to their land".