Inside ‘Operation Dawn Strike’: The Covert Mission to Separate Iraq from Iran's Influence

Iraqi security personnel in their vehicle guard the street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)
Iraqi security personnel in their vehicle guard the street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)
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Inside ‘Operation Dawn Strike’: The Covert Mission to Separate Iraq from Iran's Influence

Iraqi security personnel in their vehicle guard the street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)
Iraqi security personnel in their vehicle guard the street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)

Government and security sources have revealed that the wave of arrests carried out by Iraqi authorities last Sunday unfolded along two parallel tracks. One targeted suspects accused of embezzling public funds, while the other — a highly classified operation — aimed at what sources described as “separating the twins”: severing the links between figures tied to Tehran within armed factions and oil-smuggling networks and Iraqi state institutions.

According to the sources, Prime Minister Ali Al-Zaidi discussed the plan in strict secrecy with a small circle of senior military officers two weeks before its launch, deliberately excluding leaders of the ruling Coordination Framework alliance. The decision reportedly triggered tensions during the coalition’s latest meeting in Baghdad and reignited questions over the balance of power within Iraq’s governing bloc.

A former US official described the covert operation as “major surgery whose success is too early to judge,” calling it “a bold move by a young prime minister who emerged from relative obscurity.” He cautioned, however, that “Iran’s response has yet to come.”

While the public phase of the operation focused on targets inside Baghdad’s heavily fortified Green Zone, special forces simultaneously moved against homes and headquarters elsewhere in the capital and southern Iraq belonging to figures with direct ties to Iran.

Sources said pro-Iran factions initially suggested that a military coup was underway. One source revealed that members of the armed factions heard the word “coup” repeated over their communications networks for a short period before the true nature of the operation became clear.

The government has publicly disclosed the outcome of the campaign, officially dubbed Operation Dawn Strike, announcing the arrest of dozens of suspects accused of embezzling public funds.

Iraq’s Integrity Commission has pledged to continue making arrests while investigations into those detained proceed.

The operation was carried out by elite units from the Iraqi army, the Counter Terrorism Service, and the Special Division. According to sources, the release of images showing large sums of cash hidden inside suspects’ homes and farms, along with footage of a tank conducting a conspicuous maneuver inside the Green Zone, was intended to generate momentum for the covert phase of the operation while discouraging any immediate response from pro-Iran armed groups.

A senior figure in a Shiite faction told Asharq Al-Awsat that Operation Dawn Strike could ultimately serve as cover for dismantling Iraq’s armed “resistance” factions, describing such a strategy — if true — as “smart.”

The building of the Ministry of Planning is pictured in the Green Zone, in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)

Zero hour

People familiar with the arrest plan said the operation’s execution was conducted under extraordinary secrecy across both tracks.

They told Asharq Al-Awsat that planning had begun two weeks earlier and that Al-Zaidi restricted discussions to four senior security commanders, excluding party leaders within the Coordination Framework — the ruling coalition that nominated him for office in April.

Authorities set 2 a.m. on June 28 as “zero hour.”

According to informed sources, the operation began with the closure of the Green Zone, the sealing of Baghdad’s entry and exit points, and the deployment of forces around Baghdad International Airport. Simultaneously, however, the covert phase was already underway elsewhere in Baghdad and in southern Iraq.

Two security sources said special forces raided locations in eastern Baghdad, where Iran-aligned armed factions maintain headquarters.

Elite units searched homes and offices for high-value suspects, weapons, and documents, but several wanted individuals escaped shortly before security forces arrived, according to two informed sources.

Last-minute leak

Sources said Iraqi security forces deployed armored vehicles, troop carriers, tanks, and hundreds of personnel to give the operation overwhelming force and deter any armed resistance from faction-linked gunmen.

They added that one wanted individual was protected by an elite security detail from the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF).

Officials said authorities maintained strict secrecy over both the planning and execution of the operation. Nevertheless, some suspects reportedly received last-minute warnings from executive and political figures.

“Yes, some managed to flee because personal connections alerted them that they had become targets, even less than an hour before security forces were due to arrive,” one source revealed.

For years, groups aligned with Iran have built extensive influence inside Iraqi state institutions by placing figures regarded as absolutely loyal to Tehran in key positions.

If confirmed, these accounts would suggest that Iranian-linked networks have penetrated Iraq’s law enforcement institutions, posing perhaps the greatest challenge yet to government efforts to curb Iranian influence and dismantle the corruption networks associated with it.

Iraqi politician Hamed Al-Sayyed said the campaign’s success depended on preventing information leaks that allow suspects to escape.

Law enforcement officers involved in Operation Dawn Strike reportedly received their deployment orders only hours before the operation and were sent to targets without being told exactly who or what they were pursuing.

“There were only very brief phone calls,” one security source told Asharq Al-Awsat.

According to two sources, the operation’s public track was designed to arrest an initial group of politicians long suspected of corruption and widely resented by the public. The covert track, meanwhile, focused on figures accused of facilitating the expansion of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) inside Iraq’s security and oil institutions.

One political official described that second track as “the real prize.”

Iraqi Prime Minister-designate Ali Al-Zaidi speaks during a parliamentary session at the parliament headquarters in Baghdad, Iraq, May 14, 2026. (Reuters)

‘Big catch’

Authorities have so far arrested dozens of executive officials, but Deputy Oil Ministers Ali Maarij and Adnan Al-Jumaili may prove to be the “big catch” capable of exposing a deeply entrenched network in Baghdad accused of facilitating the smuggling of Iranian oil under Iraqi cover.

According to officials, the smuggling networks use forged documents to move Iranian oil through Iraq. Their methods reportedly include blending Iraqi fuel oil with Iranian petroleum products before exporting the mixture as Iraqi oil, allowing Tehran to circumvent US sanctions while generating revenue for Iran-aligned Iraqi armed factions and affiliated networks.

On May 7, the US Department of the Treasury sanctioned Maarij, accusing him of exploiting his official position to facilitate oil shipments benefiting Iran and Iraqi factions loyal to Tehran. Baghdad denied the allegations.

Political circles in Baghdad widely believe the sanctions ended Maarij’s hopes of becoming oil minister. His nomination had been viewed by many as “a valuable gift” symbolizing the growing influence of the IRGC in Baghdad.

A former US diplomat, speaking anonymously, described the operation as “major surgery to separate the twins — the representatives of Iran in Iraq from the country’s official institutions.”

“It is too early to judge whether it will succeed,” he said. “But the boldness of the operation is impressive and suggests a different mood is emerging in Baghdad.”

A political official told Asharq Al-Awsat that authorities are assessing both the limits of their power and the risk of confrontation before deciding whether to resume the operation.

Al-Sayyed argued that retreating now would come at a high price.

“Al-Zaidi has left himself with only one option,” he said. “He must pursue political leaders accused of corruption.”

Another political official suggested, however, that “the second phase may already be underway, even as we speak, but in secret.”

Iraqi security personnel patrol along a street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)

A stormy meeting

On Monday, one day after Operation Dawn Strike, the ruling coalition held its regular meeting with Al-Zaidi in attendance.

Political officials said coalition leaders told the prime minister they supported anti-corruption efforts but argued that they had long agreed to coordinate such operations.

According to sources, the meeting quickly turned contentious, with many coalition leaders believing Al-Zaidi had acted behind their backs.

One senior coalition figure reportedly told him: “It would have been better to involve us in the plan to preserve the stability of the political process.”

Al-Zaidi replied: “What guarantee did I have that the information would not leak if I had informed you?”

The exchanges grew more heated after one coalition member accused the campaign of targeting his bloc’s influence in parliament.

According to sources, he objected to security forces surrounding the home of a senior figure in his political alliance, calling it “an intimidating measure.”

The debate reflected shifting dynamics within Iraq’s ruling coalition.

A senior member of an influential Shiite party said the latest meeting “felt unusual, as though the coalition was losing its monopoly over the political dynamics and decision-making process.”

Two members of the ruling alliance said Al-Zaidi remained composed throughout the meeting.

Even so, the prime minister appears intent on restoring political equilibrium to ensure the campaign can continue.

Sources described the operation as having entered “halftime.”

According to a Kurdish political leader, Al-Zaidi — who is said to enjoy unprecedented backing from US envoy Tom Barrack — hopes to strengthen his political standing ahead of an expected visit to Washington later this month.

The former US diplomat said Al-Zaidi may hope to become “the star of the evening” when he meets President Donald Trump at the White House.

He cautioned, however, that wielding this degree of authority in Iraq’s fragmented political system could prove a double-edged sword if not exercised with caution.



Palestinians Besieged in West Bank Village Fear Israeli Settlers will Seize Their Homes

CCTV footage shows, as witnesses say, Jewish settlers throwing rocks on the road in Qusra, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, August 12, 2026 in this screengrab taken from a handout video- REUTERS
CCTV footage shows, as witnesses say, Jewish settlers throwing rocks on the road in Qusra, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, August 12, 2026 in this screengrab taken from a handout video- REUTERS
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Palestinians Besieged in West Bank Village Fear Israeli Settlers will Seize Their Homes

CCTV footage shows, as witnesses say, Jewish settlers throwing rocks on the road in Qusra, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, August 12, 2026 in this screengrab taken from a handout video- REUTERS
CCTV footage shows, as witnesses say, Jewish settlers throwing rocks on the road in Qusra, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, August 12, 2026 in this screengrab taken from a handout video- REUTERS

From inside his home in the West Bank town of Qusra, Qusai Abu Rida watched on Friday as Israeli settlers moved from where they had erected a tent in front of his house to the valley below, rather than returning to the nearby outpost where they live.

Even as the army took positions around him and the homes of two other families that settlers had blockaded for most of this week, the settlers remained close enough that Abu Rida feared they would again return after the army left and try to take over the home owned by his Palestinian American brother in Ohio.

“I just don’t know when this will end,” he said.

The standoff in Qusra entered a new stage Friday as activists marched toward the besieged homes to try and replenish the families' food and water supply. But Abu Rida said he was growing tired of the pattern, with Israeli forces removing the settlers, only for them to return and reestablish their positions after the troops withdrew.

“It’s like a kids’ game, like cat and mouse,” Ziv Stahl, the executive director of the Israeli rights group Yesh Din, said. “It’s clearly not a matter of capability but a matter of will.”

The siege of the homes is the latest episode in a wave of settler violence convulsing the occupied West Bank, which Israel seized in the 1967 Mideast war and which would make up the main part of a future Palestinian state. Israel's military said the village — roughly 10 miles (16 kilometers) from the Palestinian city of Nablus — was a closed military zone.

They did not answer questions about the presence of the settlers. Both Israel’s military and Israel’s police both referred questions arrests in Qusra to the other.

The West Bank has become more dangerous for Palestinians as Israel, under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, has approved more than 100 new settlements. Extremist settlers routinely enter Palestinian towns, clashing with villagers, burning homes, mosques and cars.

Netanyahu is courting blocs of ultranationalist voters ahead of what’s expected to be a difficult reelection campaign in October. He and members of his cabinet have largely dismissed concerns about settler violence as overblown and attributed it to fringe groups of a few hundred youths. Yet rights groups and Palestinians say the government's policies have made it more difficult to restrain settlers, who are rarely punished for attacks.

The standoff in Qusra began on Sunday when dozens of settlers arrived and blocked the doors to the three houses, preventing occupants from leaving, according to the families inside.

Israeli troops intervened multiple times and arrived in large numbers Thursday.

Abu Rida and his teenage son were temporarily moved by the army on Thursday but allowed to return hours later. He told his brother in Ohio that he planned on staying to defend the home.

For many, the scene unfolding in Qusra — now in its sixth day — reflected broader failures by Israeli authorities to curb the violence in the West Bank.

Itamar Weil, an Israeli human rights activist from the group Bnei Avraham, said the army had threatened to use tear gas against the activists and forced them to leave, even as settlers remained in the valley below Qusra.

“The army used to prevent settlers from carrying out this kind of violence,” he said. “Now, with a government that fully supports them, they’re not doing their job. They should be protecting both sides from violence, but instead they’re removing activists while barely doing anything about the settlers.”

Palestinian officials have reported 1,476 attacks by Israeli settlers in 2026, including several earlier instances in which settlers staged takeovers of Palestinian homes on the outskirts of other West Bank towns.

A total of 87 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli settlers and soldiers in the West Bank this year, according to the Palestinian Authority’s Health Ministry. Israel says some were involved in terrorism, which it defines broadly to include militancy and rock-throwing. Three Israelis were killed by Palestinians, including two in a July clash during which four Palestinians were also killed.

Katz strips army of enforcement power against settlers Before calm was restored in Qusra, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz announced on Friday that he would transfer all enforcement powers against Israeli civilians in the West Bank from the army to Israel’s police.

“The (Israeli military’s) role is to fight Palestinian terrorism, focus on protecting the borders and settlements against threats, deal with the borders and the territory itself and security threats to the settlements and the State of Israel, and not chase after boys on the hills,” Katz said in a statement.

Historically, the army has been able to arrest Palestinians and bring those accused of crimes before military courts. But when it comes to Israeli civilians, in most circumstances it can only use temporary detention for those suspected of crimes, leaving arrests, investigations and prosecutions to police and civilian courts.

Katz’s move comes after he ended the use of administrative detention against Israeli civilians in November 2024. The military had used the policy as a tool to contain settler violence, allowing it to detain suspects without charge and remove them from the West Bank.

Much like with that move, rights groups said transferring all powers to the police was unlikely to restore order or ensure Palestinian safety.

Some 2.8 million Palestinians live under Israeli military rule in the West Bank alongside more than 560,000 Israeli civilians who live in settlements that the international community largely considers illegal and an obstacle to peace.

Though the Palestinian Authority exercises limited autonomy and policing power in the territory’s largest cities, agreements that date back to the 1990s give Israel security control over large swaths of the territory, including agricultural areas and communities such as Qusra.

Stahl, Yesh Din's executive director, said Katz's announcement wouldn't change or help stem the violence because police will still require army escorts to operate in Palestinian areas.

“Unless (Katz) means he’s going to apply Israeli law and have the police control the West Bank, the military is still the main body in charge,” she said.


Why is North Korea Ramping Up Criticism of Japan?

News coverage showing file footage of a North Korean missile launch is seen on a screen at Seoul Station in Seoul on August 12, 2026. (Photo by GREG BAKER / AFP)
News coverage showing file footage of a North Korean missile launch is seen on a screen at Seoul Station in Seoul on August 12, 2026. (Photo by GREG BAKER / AFP)
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Why is North Korea Ramping Up Criticism of Japan?

News coverage showing file footage of a North Korean missile launch is seen on a screen at Seoul Station in Seoul on August 12, 2026. (Photo by GREG BAKER / AFP)
News coverage showing file footage of a North Korean missile launch is seen on a screen at Seoul Station in Seoul on August 12, 2026. (Photo by GREG BAKER / AFP)

North Korea has stepped up a campaign of rhetoric against Japan's military ‌buildup and its security ties with the United States and South Korea, saying they threaten regional stability. The criticism in more than a dozen state media attacks since early July has coincided with an unusual silence over the North's own missile launches, raising questions about Pyongyang's broader strategic messaging, according to Reuters.

WHY IS NORTH KOREA TALKING MORE ABOUT JAPAN?

North Korean statements have targeted Japan's acquisition of counter-strike capabilities, testing of a US-made Tomahawk cruise missile, rising defense spending and Tokyo's annual defense white paper.

Last week, Kim Yo Jong, the influential sister of leader Kim Jong Un, warned of "additional military options" in response to what she described as Japan's transformation into a military power. On Tuesday, a KCNA commentary described Japan's 2026 defense white paper as a "re-invasion-minded" document aimed at justifying military expansion.

The latest broadside came on Friday, when North Korea criticized annual US-South Korean Ulchi Freedom Shield military drills and accused US-Japan-South Korea military cooperation of evolving into a "nuclear alliance". Washington and Seoul say the drills are defensive.

Another KCNA commentary accused Washington of pursuing a strategy that lowers the threshold for nuclear weapons use and cited US extended deterrence commitments to South Korea and Japan.

HOW HAS ‌JAPAN CHANGED ITS ‌DEFENCE STANCE?

Japan in 2022 announced plans to double defense spending to 2% of GDP to ‌counter ⁠growing security threats ⁠from China, Russia and North Korea.

A major part of that expansion includes spending on long-range missiles such as the US-made Tomahawk, which can strike targets more than 1,000 km (621 miles) away. Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s government is expected this year to revise Japan’s national security strategy, a move some analysts will likely lead to further increases in defense spending, including on drones and arms production.

IS THIS REALLY ABOUT JAPAN?

Analysts say Japan is only part of the story.

Park Won-gon, a professor at Seoul's Ewha Womans University, said the primary goal is to frame Northeast Asia as a contest between rival camps.

"The biggest objective is to create a US-South Korea-Japan versus North Korea-China-Russia framework," Park said.

He said Pyongyang wants stronger backing ⁠from Beijing and Moscow to cement its escape from diplomatic isolation and to bolster arguments that its ‌nuclear arsenal is necessary.

South Korea's Unification Ministry expressed a similar view on Thursday after ‌North Korean First Vice Foreign Minister Jang Kum-chol criticized Seoul's plans to acquire nuclear-powered submarines and accused South Korea, the United States and Japan of ‌preparing a "second AUKUS" in Northeast Asia. The ministry said North Korea appears to view South Korea's submarine plans, Japan's evolving security posture ‌and trilateral military cooperation as threats to the regional balance of power, as it increasingly aligns itself with China and Russia. Kyungnam University professor of North Korean studies Lim Eul-chul said North Korea's messaging increasingly mirrors China's concerns about Japan's military expansion.

WHY IS NORTH KOREA STAYING SILENT ABOUT ITS MISSILE TESTS?

The heightened rhetoric has coincided with unusual silence on North Korea's recent missile launches, which were condemned by South Korea, Japan and the United States.

Despite conducting ‌ballistic missile tests last week and again this week, state media has yet to report either, departing from its usual pattern of publicizing tests within a day.

Analysts say the launches may ⁠have involved upgrades to existing missile ⁠systems rather than new weapons, reducing their propaganda value. Shin Jong-woo of the Korea Defense and Security Forum said the tests may have involved improved short-range ballistic missiles developed with Russian technical assistance and potentially destined for Russia.

Kim Yong-hyun, a professor at Dongguk University, said North Korea may be avoiding publicity if launches are connected to prospective military exports.

WHAT DOES RUSSIA HAVE TO DO WITH IT?

North Korea's growing military cooperation with Russia has become a central factor in assessments of its weapons programs. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy has repeatedly said Russia continues to use North Korean missiles against Ukraine and has accused Pyongyang of providing Moscow with missiles, ammunition and a further promise of troops for the war effort.

Analysts say battlefield feedback and Russian assistance may have helped North Korea improve the accuracy and performance of some missile systems.

Shin said recent launches could have been tests of upgraded variants before deployment or export.

WHAT IS NORTH KOREA TRYING TO ACHIEVE?

Analysts say North Korea is seeking to cast the region in terms of competing blocs, with Pyongyang, Beijing and Moscow on one side and Washington, Seoul and Tokyo on the other.

Portraying US-South Korea-Japan cooperation as an increasingly threatening military and nuclear alliance helps Pyongyang justify its weapons programs, bolster Chinese and Russian backing and argue that its nuclear arsenal is a necessary response to a worsening security environment, they say.


Mazen Al-Sudairi Brings Financial Expertise as Saudi Market Expands Globally

Mazen bin Turki Al-Sudairi (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Mazen bin Turki Al-Sudairi (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Mazen Al-Sudairi Brings Financial Expertise as Saudi Market Expands Globally

Mazen bin Turki Al-Sudairi (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Mazen bin Turki Al-Sudairi (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Mazen bin Turki Al-Sudairi will lead the board of Saudi Arabia’s Capital Market Authority after a royal order appointed him chairman with the rank of minister, as the kingdom’s capital market rapidly expands, deepens its offerings, strengthens ties with global markets and seeks to attract more foreign investment.

Al-Sudairi brings a career rooted in financial markets and investment before moving into government and policymaking, combining technical expertise in market analysis with institutional experience inside government.

His appointment comes as Saudi Arabia’s capital market enters a new phase of growth focused on greater depth and openness, a broader investor base and a stronger presence in global markets, alongside the economic and investment transformation under Saudi Vision 2030.

The royal order appointed Al-Sudairi chairman of the Capital Market Authority’s board with the rank of minister, succeeding Mohammed El-Kuwaiz. He takes charge of the market regulator as the financial sector assumes an increasingly important role in financing economic growth and attracting domestic and international capital.

Since 2024, Al-Sudairi has served as an adviser at the General Secretariat of the Council of Ministers at an excellent grade, adding a government dimension to his background in finance and investment. The role broadened his experience from analyzing markets and investments to working in an environment closely connected to policymaking and decision-making.

He holds a master’s degree in finance from HEC Paris in France and a bachelor’s degree in industrial engineering from King Saud University, an academic background combining financial knowledge with the analytical and quantitative training associated with engineering.

Al-Sudairi has extensive experience in financial services and capital markets. He served as head of research at Al Rajhi Capital, where he monitored company and sector performance and analyzed economic and financial developments and their impact on investor decisions.

He also headed sell-side research at Al-Istithmar Capital, adding experience in managing investment research and responding to market developments and investor needs during a period of rapid regulatory and investment change in the Saudi market.

Earlier, Al-Sudairi worked as an analyst covering the energy and petrochemicals sectors at Samba Capital, two of the most influential sectors in the Saudi economy and capital market. The role gave him direct experience analyzing companies and industries exposed to energy markets, global developments, commodity prices and economic cycles.

His career also took him outside Saudi Arabia, where he worked in equity research at Bank Degroof in Belgium. The experience added an international dimension to his background and gave him practical exposure to market and company analysis in a European financial environment.

Al-Sudairi is a recognized name in financial research and market analysis, having built experience across Saudi and international financial and investment institutions. His roles have been closely tied to assessing markets, analyzing companies and sectors, and evaluating investment opportunities.

His career spans financial and economic analysis, investment research and government work. After years of leading research functions at Saudi financial institutions and analyzing equities and sectors, his move into government added experience in institutional work and policymaking.

Al-Sudairi takes the helm of the Capital Market Authority’s board as the market becomes increasingly important as a channel for financing companies and projects, supporting private-sector growth, expanding savings and investment options, and connecting the Saudi economy more closely with global capital flows.