‘Miniature Syria’ Takes Shape in Northern Lebanon without Fears over Demographic Changes

Syrian and refugee women at a school in Wadi Khaled in northern Lebanon. (Reuters)
Syrian and refugee women at a school in Wadi Khaled in northern Lebanon. (Reuters)
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‘Miniature Syria’ Takes Shape in Northern Lebanon without Fears over Demographic Changes

Syrian and refugee women at a school in Wadi Khaled in northern Lebanon. (Reuters)
Syrian and refugee women at a school in Wadi Khaled in northern Lebanon. (Reuters)

Lebanon’s northern region of Wadi Khaled has for years hosted some 75,000 Syrian refugees, the majority of whom hail from the nearby Homs province.

It therefore may not seem strange that a neighborhood in the Lebanese region would transform into a “mini Syria” after some 7,000 meters of the area was purchased by the Syrian Hamadeh family. The quarter now hosts hundreds of Syrians.

Even though the clashes in Homs ended in 2014, the locals refuse to return to their homes because the region is now under the control of the Syrian regime and Lebanon’s “Hezbollah” party and the overwhelming majority of those who fled their homes are from the Syrian opposition.

The refugees in Wadi Khaled have not greatly affected the demographics in the area, contrary to what has taken place in several Lebanese towns and villages. The locals in Wadi Khaled chose to embrace the refugees from the very moment they arrived in 2012.

They opened up their schools and homes and completely refused the idea of setting up encampments for them. This has led to the settlement of some 75,000 Syrians in rooms that they originally stayed in for free. Eventually, they started to rent these rooms and later even purchased them.

The land that Syrians buy in Wadi Khaled is not registered in official records, only the local notary, municipal chief or witnesses can prove their ownership.

Some locals in Wadi Khaled have voiced their concern over Syrians buying homes and land in the area because they believe that the new owners would now never entertain the idea of returning to their country even if the war there was over.

Head of the federation of Wadi Khaled municipalities Fadi al-Asaad told Asharq Al-Awsat that there were now a huge number of Syrian landowners in the region.

“This may directly affect the possibility of their return to their country,” he remarked, while also noting that several Lebanese also own land in the adjacent Syrian territory.

He predicted however that the refugees may eventually return home, but not as soon as a settlement in Syria is reached due to the “certain characteristics” that Homs has.

Head of the Wadi Khaled municipality, Noureddine al-Ahmed, appeared more optimistic.

There are no fears over the Syrian refugees’ stay in Lebanese towns, he told Asharq Al-Awsat, while adding that only some 40 families have purchased property in the area. These families have relatives in the region, such as the Hamadeh family that has relatives from its Lebanese namesake.

Asaad and Ahmed agree that there are pros and cons to the Syrian displacement to Wadi Khaled.

Wadi Khaled is located in Akkar, which up until recently, remained neglected by the state and only received much needed attention from donors and humanitarian organizations.

Asaad said: “Due to the large number of Syrian refugees, a sewage system was established in the area. We were only able to set it up because it was funded by donors”

In addition, a water pipeline system was also set up and it now covers 75 percent of the region. Local authorities were unable to establish these systems in the past due to their high costs.

Ahmed said that the economy in Wadi Khaled was boosted with the arrival of the refugees, adding however that the locals’ marriage to Syrians has been a negative side effect of the displacement.

The towns of al-Hisha, al-Aamayer and al-Rama host the largest number of refugees in Wadi Khaled, which consists of over 20 towns.

An activist in the region, schoolteacher Ahmed al-Sayyed said that from the very moment that the first wave of refugees arrived in the area, schools dedicated themselves to teaching the Syrian children.

Morning classes were offered to Lebanese students, while night ones were offered to the some 4,000 Syrian students.

Ahmed told Asharq Al-Awsat that some schools teach 500 to 600 students, adding that as opposed to other Lebanese areas, the Syrians have been smoothly accommodated in Wadi Khaled society due to the close ties and similar customs shared between the people in the region.

“It is true that some 100 Syrian families bought land in Wadi Khaled and we have asked the municipality and concerned agencies to intervene to end this phenomenon, but we have no fears over their living among us,” he said.

He said that the family ties bind them together and there are no fears over changing demographics “because these refugees share our sect and beliefs.”



What to Know about the Latest Effort to End Türkiye's 40-year Kurdish Conflict

FILED - 02 November 2041, Hesse, Frankfurt_Main: A man displays a flag with the image of imprisoned Kurdish leader Abdullah Ocalan at the Kurdish Newroz celebration in Frankfurt. Photo: Boris Roessler/dpa
FILED - 02 November 2041, Hesse, Frankfurt_Main: A man displays a flag with the image of imprisoned Kurdish leader Abdullah Ocalan at the Kurdish Newroz celebration in Frankfurt. Photo: Boris Roessler/dpa
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What to Know about the Latest Effort to End Türkiye's 40-year Kurdish Conflict

FILED - 02 November 2041, Hesse, Frankfurt_Main: A man displays a flag with the image of imprisoned Kurdish leader Abdullah Ocalan at the Kurdish Newroz celebration in Frankfurt. Photo: Boris Roessler/dpa
FILED - 02 November 2041, Hesse, Frankfurt_Main: A man displays a flag with the image of imprisoned Kurdish leader Abdullah Ocalan at the Kurdish Newroz celebration in Frankfurt. Photo: Boris Roessler/dpa

A group of 30 Kurdish fighters clad in camouflage fatigues burned their weapons in a large cauldron in northern Iraq on Friday, in a symbolic gesture marking the first concrete step in an effort to end one of the Middle East’s longest-running insurgencies.

The ceremonial laying down of arms by members of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK -- including 15 women — comes months after the group’s imprisoned leader, Abdullah Ocalan, called on it to disarm and disband as part of a new peace effort with Türkiye. Ocalan repeated that call in a video message to his fighters this week.

The process in Türkiye was initiated in October by Devlet Bahceli, a firebrand ultranationalist politician who has usually opposed any concessions to Kurdish identity or rights.

While Turkish officials have welcomed the first step toward the PKK’s disarmament, questions remain about the future of Kurdish fighters in Syria.

What is the PKK? The Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, has waged an armed insurgency against Türkiye since 1984, initially with the aim of establishing a Kurdish state in the southeast of the country. Over time, the objective evolved into a campaign for autonomy and rights for Kurds within Türkiye.

The conflict between militants and state forces, which has spread beyond Türkiye’s borders into Iraq and Syria, has killed tens of thousands of people. The PKK is considered to be a terrorist organization by Türkiye, the United States and the European Union.

Who is Ocalan? Abdullah Ocalan, who as a student of political science in Ankara became deeply involved in leftist movements, formed the PKK in 1978 as a Marxist organization. He fled to Syria in 1979, along with other PKK members, where he remained until 1998, when Syria expelled him under intense pressure from Türkiye.

Ocalan was captured in Kenya in 1999 and imprisoned on Imrali island in the Sea of Marmara, where he remains to this day. His death sentence for treason was commuted to a life term in prison after Türkiye abolished the death penalty.

The 76-year-old endures as a symbol for Kurdish independence and rights and continues to wield influence over the Kurdish movement, with past messages relayed through family members or lawyers resonating beyond Türkiye, in Iraq and Syria.

Push for peace

In October, Bahceli, a close ally of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, suggested Ocalan could be granted parole if he renounces violence and disbands the PKK.

It was a major shift for the hardline politician who had previously strongly supported the state’s military action against the militant group and its affiliates in neighboring Syria and rejected any notion of negotiation.

In a message delivered through senior officials of the pro-Kurdish People's Equality and Democracy Party, or DEM, Ocalan called on the PKK leadership to take the decision to disband and disarm in February.

The PKK announced a unilateral ceasefire in March in response to Ocalan’s call and later announced its decision to disarm.

It was not immediately clear what concessions, if any, the Kurdish groups would get in return. PKK officials have said they expect former fighters to be given a path to integrate into the political system in Türkiye.

There are also concerns that some splinter groups may emerge within the PKK and that attacks may continue.

Soon after Bahceli's announcement, the PKK claimed an attack on Türkiye’s key aerospace company outside of Ankara that killed several people.

Previous attempts

There have been several peace efforts between the Turkish state and the PKK over the years, including secret negotiations held in Oslo, Norway from 2009 until 2011. However, none have yielded results.

The last attempt to reach a peace deal took place between 2013 and 2015 with a series of talks between Turkish officials and Ocalan, who declared a ceasefire and withdrew fighters to bases in northern Iraq.

Turkish officials took steps to improve Kurdish rights, including allowing Kurdish-language broadcasts. The process collapsed in July 2015, after a series of violent attacks, including one by the ISIS group that killed 33 pro-Kurdish activists.

Since then, Türkiye has cracked down on its pro-Kurdish movement and has jailed thousands of people, including the former leader of the main pro-Kurdish political party, Selahattin Demirtas, over alleged links to the PKK.

Reshaping the region

The latest peace effort comes at a time when Türkiye and the Kurds are both seeking security to face the challenges in the Middle East.

The renewed peace initiative unfolds amid fundamental changes reshaping the region, including the reconfiguration of power in Syria after the toppling of President Bashar Assad, the weakening of the Hezbollah militant movement in Lebanon, and the ongoing Israel-Hamas war in Gaza.

Türkiye strongly supports a deal reached between Syria’s new administration and the Kurdish-led and US backed Syrian Democratic Forces under which the SDF forces would merge with the new Syrian national army. The US envoy to Syria told The Associated Press this week that the sides remain at odds over the merger.

Hamish Kinnear, Senior Middle East and North Africa Analyst at risk intelligence company Verisk Maplecroft, said Ocalan’s decision to abandon the armed struggle coincides with a period when the PKK’s leverage is weak due to military setbacks and regional isolation.

“The PKK’s armed struggle was already faltering in the face of advances by Türkiye’s military, while its popularity among its traditional base was in decline,” Kinnear said. ”Ultimately, the peace talks were a useful off ramp in which improvement of Kurdish rights could still be pursued."

However, some believe the main aim of the reconciliation effort is for Erdogan’s government to garner Kurdish support for a new constitution that would allow him to remain in power beyond 2028, when his term ends.

Bahceli has openly called for a new constitution, saying it was essential to keep Erdogan in power for Türkiye’s future. Erdogan and Bahceli are reportedly seeking parliamentary support from the DEM.