Sudan's Protesters Hope Cheerful Staying-Power Will Oust Army

Demonstrators ride atop a train from Atbara as they approach the military headquarters in Khartoum, Sudan April 23, 2019. (Reuters)
Demonstrators ride atop a train from Atbara as they approach the military headquarters in Khartoum, Sudan April 23, 2019. (Reuters)
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Sudan's Protesters Hope Cheerful Staying-Power Will Oust Army

Demonstrators ride atop a train from Atbara as they approach the military headquarters in Khartoum, Sudan April 23, 2019. (Reuters)
Demonstrators ride atop a train from Atbara as they approach the military headquarters in Khartoum, Sudan April 23, 2019. (Reuters)

They come from all walks of life, of all ages and many political persuasions. But the thousands of protesters sitting outside the Sudanese Defense Ministry in Khartoum all share one thing: the cheerful conviction that, if they can just stay there long enough, democracy will come about.

Already, their sit-in has prompted the military to topple Omar Hassan al-Bashir, autocratic president of 30 years. Now they believe their good-natured rainbow of resistance can push those same generals to hand over power swiftly to civilians, said a Reuters report Wednesday.

A woman in a black full-face veil discusses the merits of democracy as a vendor sells corn at a discount, making a fortune. One couple mount a podium to take their marriage vows.

“We are lions!” intones a rapper, his audience swaying to the beat.

Unfocused and eclectic it may be, but it only took the crowd - whose numbers swell in the cool of the evening into the hundreds of thousands - five days to bring down Bashir, who was detained by the army on April 11 to the delight of millions.

Now those protesters, spread over about 2 sq km (0.8 square miles) of central Khartoum, want the generals’ Transitional Military Council to bring forward the elections that it promises to hold within two years.

Opposition groups and the military may have been trading threats over the transition, but that has not dampened the cheerful determination of the protesters.

Women outnumber men in the throng, which is a mix of teenagers and older people, conservatives and liberals, doctors, lawyers and artisans.

Designers apply their skills to making banners and placards.

“The motifs are to send a message to the people to support democracy,” said Khalid Ehab, 24, who specializes in banners of fierce-looking people carrying flags.

Teenagers bang stones against a bridge in solidarity with calls for democracy, and fling water down at passers-by. Others are more earnest, holding posters of civilians and army officers who were allegedly tortured and killed in Bashir’s prisons, said Reuters.

Osay Awad, 22, used to sell a cob of corn from his battered wooden stall for 15 Sudanese pounds, but out of enthusiasm for the revolution slashed the price to 10.

Business is booming; he sells 500 a day, compared to 170 before the sit-in began, and he hasn’t left the spot since the day after Bashir was toppled.

Like many others, he sleeps on the dusty pavement. Asked what type of leader he would like to see run his country, he says: “I have no candidate. I’m just here to sell corn and support people.”

All the protesters want the old-guard generals out, but many are keen to get the support of young officers; a traditional army song competes with the sound of an opposition figure trying to fire up crowds with promises of a brighter future.

The protesters do want to assert some control. Teenagers frisk anyone entering the area to make sure weapons stay out.

The military leaders have offered some concessions, sacking some officials and announcing the arrest of others, including two of Bashir’s brothers.

But they insist that, while they are willing to accept a civilian transitional government, ultimate authority will remain in their hands until elections are held.

Wejd Mohammed, a medical student covered from head to toe in a niqab, says that “democracy will bring economic prosperity.”

In a scene that would have been unthinkable under Bashir, a member of a rebel group that fought his forces in the desert province of Darfur stands on a makeshift podium and speaks his mind.

“The previous regime took all of our money and made us poor,” he says. “Sudan needs to be one nation.”



Israeli Attack on Beirut Deepens Hezbollah’s Crisis

 A man walks next to a destroyed car and damaged buildings at the site that was hit by an Israeli airstrike in Dahiyeh, in the southern suburb of Beirut, Lebanon, Friday March 28, 2025.(AP)
A man walks next to a destroyed car and damaged buildings at the site that was hit by an Israeli airstrike in Dahiyeh, in the southern suburb of Beirut, Lebanon, Friday March 28, 2025.(AP)
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Israeli Attack on Beirut Deepens Hezbollah’s Crisis

 A man walks next to a destroyed car and damaged buildings at the site that was hit by an Israeli airstrike in Dahiyeh, in the southern suburb of Beirut, Lebanon, Friday March 28, 2025.(AP)
A man walks next to a destroyed car and damaged buildings at the site that was hit by an Israeli airstrike in Dahiyeh, in the southern suburb of Beirut, Lebanon, Friday March 28, 2025.(AP)

Israel’s attack on Hezbollah’s stronghold in Beirut’s southern suburbs has put the Iran-backed party in a difficult position.

Stopping attacks on the suburb, known as Dahiyeh, was among the main reasons that led Hezbollah to agree to the ceasefire with Israel in November.

Israel attacked Dahiyeh on Friday for the first time since the ceasefire after rockets were fired against Israel from Lebanon. Hezbollah denied involvement in the attack and no one has claimed responsibility for it. The party believes that attacks are being carried out against Israel to give it an excuse to again wage war on Lebanon.

The strike on the suburb forced Hezbollah to cancel its “Quds Day” commemoration that was set for Friday afternoon. Hezbollah chief Sheikh Naim Qassem was expected to deliver a speech at the event.

This was the first time since 1985 that the party is forced to cancel the commemoration that it usually holds on the final Friday of the holy fasting month of Ramadan.

The strike on Dahiyeh will only undermine the relative stability that was restored to the area since November 26 when the ceasefire was announced.

Since then, the area, which was heavily bombarded by Israel during its war on Hezbollah, has gradually been revived, with most houses being renovated and schools and hospitals reopening.

The strike has reawakened concerns that Dahiyeh will again come under Israeli attack should more rockets be fired at the country.

Friday’s attack has also limited Hezbollah’s political options.

Lebanese sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the party “cannot retaliate unilaterally to the strike and will leave it up to the state to handle the situation.”

“Regardless of whether the party can or cannot respond to Israel, any military retaliation on its part will play into Israel’s hands that wants to reignite the war,” they added, saying the Lebanese authorities want to avoid conflict at all costs.

However, Hezbollah’s failure to retaliate “means Israel has free rein to carry out targeted strikes wherever and however it wants undeterred. Dahiyeh will therefore become another area on its list of permanent targets.”

“This will pressure the Lebanese authorities and Hezbollah alike because the strikes will lead to new waves of displacement and stop operations at vital institutions, such as schools and businesses,” they explained.

Ultimately, “Hezbollah has very limited options at the moment. Israel’s ambitions, meanwhile, are growing to strike political agreements with Lebanon that go beyond the security deal that is already in place,” the sources said.