Graffiti in Tahrir Square Documents Iraqis’ Anger, Sadness and Hopes

Protesters pose for a picture by graffiti murals during an anti-government demonstration in the Iraqi capital Baghdad's Tahrir Square on November 23, 2019. (AFP)
Protesters pose for a picture by graffiti murals during an anti-government demonstration in the Iraqi capital Baghdad's Tahrir Square on November 23, 2019. (AFP)
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Graffiti in Tahrir Square Documents Iraqis’ Anger, Sadness and Hopes

Protesters pose for a picture by graffiti murals during an anti-government demonstration in the Iraqi capital Baghdad's Tahrir Square on November 23, 2019. (AFP)
Protesters pose for a picture by graffiti murals during an anti-government demonstration in the Iraqi capital Baghdad's Tahrir Square on November 23, 2019. (AFP)

The Iraqi protesters, also known as the October Revolution Youth, did not stop at protesting and chanting. They utilized several other methods to deliver their thoughts and demands to those who wanted and did not want to hear them.

In addition to singing exhilarating songs, always running plays and movie screenings in Baghdad’s Tahrir Square, all of which meant to encourage protesters and help them persist, their graffiti-covered buildings popped up around the Square and the tunnel that passes underneath it, as well as other squares in different cities, which they see as vital to documenting the protests.

Since in the early stages of the protests, a substantial number of artists of different ages have taken part in the initiative to decorate Tahrir Square with paintings that address the themes of the protests, document their events and pay tribute to those who had sacrificed for the revolution and worked to ensure that it succeeds.

From Tahrir Square, the wave of graffiti moved to the protest square in the southern city of Basra. A group of young people that call themselves “Shansheel” painted over cement walls that surround the square. Artists and activists also decorated the tunnels and streets close to the municipal building in downtown Karbala.

Graffiti, which first emerged in the 20th century and is closely associated with American hip-hop culture, is associated with very complicated and dangerous circumstances in Iraq. The same goes for several other Arab countries that witnessed waves of protests in 2011. Both address similar issues. A substantial number of graffiti works in Tahrir Square tunnel focused on the violence against the protesters, while others depict the initials of the victims and their heroic acts.

Works that deal with and criticize the political situation and poor living conditions also featured prominently. However, Iraq’s extremely dire circumstances did not hinder artists from creating pieces full of hope. In any case, these works have transformed what used to be neglected spaces into what resembles public art exhibitions.

Hadi Khattat, an artist who took part in the graffiti work and in creating banners in Tahrir Square and Mataam al-Turki (a building overlooking the square), says: “The October Revolution youth moved many artists and inspired them to be creative.”

Khattat told Asharq Al-Awsat that the message that these artworks and graffiti were trying to deliver was “clear and unambiguous, expressing the most important Iraqi moment since 2003. The most important aspect of it is that it provoked the political Islam groups that hate art in all its forms, from painting, music, singing, to poetry.”

Besides the calligraphy and graffiti in Tahrir tunnel, Khattat says that “alongside a group of artists, we created artworks and paintings that were related to the protests and what it entailed and were exhibited in the Gulbenkian Art Gallery. The artwork that we created with our colleagues revolved around the idea that Iraq is not a homeland that we live in, but that it lives within us.”



Iran Scrambles to Swiftly Build Ties with Syria’s New Rulers

A handout photo made available by the Iranian presidential office shows Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian (R) and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi (L) during the opening session of the Organization of Eight Developing Countries (D-8) summit in Cairo, Egypt, 19 December 2024. (EPA/Handout)
A handout photo made available by the Iranian presidential office shows Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian (R) and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi (L) during the opening session of the Organization of Eight Developing Countries (D-8) summit in Cairo, Egypt, 19 December 2024. (EPA/Handout)
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Iran Scrambles to Swiftly Build Ties with Syria’s New Rulers

A handout photo made available by the Iranian presidential office shows Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian (R) and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi (L) during the opening session of the Organization of Eight Developing Countries (D-8) summit in Cairo, Egypt, 19 December 2024. (EPA/Handout)
A handout photo made available by the Iranian presidential office shows Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian (R) and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi (L) during the opening session of the Organization of Eight Developing Countries (D-8) summit in Cairo, Egypt, 19 December 2024. (EPA/Handout)

The Iranian government is scrambling to restore some of its influence in Syria as it still reels from the shock ouster of its close ally President Bashar al-Assad on December 8.

The Iranian president, Masoud Pezeshkian, is already facing multiple domestic and international crises, including an economy in shambles and continued tensions over its nuclear program. But it is the sudden loss of influence in Syria after the fall of Assad to opposition groups that is exercising Iranian officials most, reported The Guardian on Friday.

“In the short term they want to salvage some influence with the opposition in Damascus. Iranian diplomats insist they were not wedded to Assad, and were disillusioned with his refusal to compromise,” it said.

Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said in an interview this week: “We had long ago reached the conclusion that the continuation of governance in Syria would face a fundamental challenge. Government officials were expected to show flexibility towards allowing the opposition to participate in power, but this did not happen.”

He added: “Tehran always had direct contacts with the Syrian opposition delegation. Since 2011, we have been suggesting to Syria the need to begin political talks with those opposition groups that were not affiliated with terrorism.”

At the same time, Iran’s foreign ministry spokesperson insisted it only entered Syria in 2012 at Assad’s request to help defeat ISIS, continued The Guardian. “Our presence was advisory and we were never in Syria to defend a specific group or individual. What was important to us was helping to preserve the territorial integrity and stability of Syria,” he said.

Such explanations have not cut much ice in Damascus. Iran remains one of the few countries criticized by Ahmed al-Sharaa, the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) leader.

Short honeymoon

Many Iranian officials are claiming the current victory lap being enjoyed by Türkiye in Syria may be brief as Ankara’s interests will start to diverge from the government led by the HTS.

Senior cleric Naser Makarem Shirazi said: “We must follow the Syrian issue with hope and know that this situation will not continue, because the current rulers of Syria will not remain united with each other”.

The conservative Javan newspaper predicted that “the current honeymoon period in Syria will end due to the diversity of groups, economic problems, the lack of security and diversity of actors.”.

Officially Iran blames the US and Israel for Assad’s collapse, but resentment at Ankara’s role is rife, ironically echoing Donald Trump’s claim that Syria has been the victim of an unfriendly takeover by Türkiye.

In his speech responding to Assad’s downfall supreme leader Ali Khamenei said a neighboring state of Syria played a clear role” in shaping events and “continues to do so now”. The Fars news agency published a poster showing the HTS leader in league with Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Benjamin Netanyahu and Joe Biden.

Iran’s Strategic Council on Foreign Relations questioned whether HTS would remain allies with Türkiye for long. It said: “Although Türkiye is only one of the main winners of Bashar al-Assad’s fall from power in the short term, Ankara can never bring a government aligned with itself to power in Syria. Even if HTS attempts to form a stable government in Syria, which is impossible, in the medium term, it will become a major threat to Türkiye, which shares an 830-kilometer border with Syria.”

Reliance on Türkiye

Former Iranian President Hassan Rouhani predicted a bleak future for Syria and Türkiye. “In recent weeks, all of Syria’s military power has been destroyed by Israel, and unfortunately, the militants and Türkiye did not respond appropriately to Israel. It will take years to rebuild the Syrian army and armed forces.”

Mohsen Baharvand, a former Iranian ambassador to the UK, suggested the Damascus government may find itself overly reliant on Türkiye. “If the central government of Syria tries to consolidate its authority and sovereignty through military intervention and assistance from foreign countries – including Türkiye – Syria, or key parts of it, will be occupied by Türkiye, and Türkiye will enter a quagmire from which it will incur heavy human and economic costs.”

He predicted tensions between Türkiye and the HTS in particular about how to handle the Syrian Kurdish demand in north-east Syria for a form of autonomy. The Turkish-funded Syrian National Army is reportedly ready to mount an offensive against the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces in Kobani, a Kurdish-majority Syrian town on the northern border with Türkiye.

Türkiye’s Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan said on Wednesday that if the issue were addressed “properly” Ankara would not seek a military intervention. “There is a new administration in Damascus now. I think this is primarily their concern now,” Fidan said.

More broadly, the Syrian reverse is forcing Iran to accelerate a rethink of its foreign policy. The review centers on whether the weakening of its so-called Axis of Resistance – comprising allied groups in the region – requires Iran to become a nuclear weapon state, or instead strengthen Iran by building better relations in the region.

For years, Iran’s rulers have been saying that “defending Iran must begin from outside its borders.” This hugely costly strategy is largely obsolete, and how Iran explains its Syria reverse will be critical to deciding what replaces that strategy.