Exclusive - Erdogan ‘Infiltrates’ Idlib as Haftar ‘Strolls’ in Damascus

A worker walks inside the Libyan embassy that opened in Damascus, Syria March 3, 2020. (Reuters)
A worker walks inside the Libyan embassy that opened in Damascus, Syria March 3, 2020. (Reuters)
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Exclusive - Erdogan ‘Infiltrates’ Idlib as Haftar ‘Strolls’ in Damascus

A worker walks inside the Libyan embassy that opened in Damascus, Syria March 3, 2020. (Reuters)
A worker walks inside the Libyan embassy that opened in Damascus, Syria March 3, 2020. (Reuters)

A secret visit to Damascus by Libyan National Army (LNA) commander Khalifa Haftar paved the way for the resumption of diplomatic relations between the interim government in Benghazi and the regime in the Syrian capital. This was preceded by another secret visit, this time by head of Egyptian general intelligence Abbas Kamel to Syrian national security chief Ali Mamlouk in Damascus last week.

Officials have openly declared that the visits are aimed at restoring Damascus’ role in the Arab world, but secretly they are coordinating efforts to confront Turkey’s intervention on several fronts, most notably in Syria and Libya. In fact, Cairo opened an office for the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Council and has “mediated” between Damascus and the Kurds in what may lead to a confrontation with Ankara.

Relations between the Syrian government and Haftar go back several years. Some of his relatives live in Damascus as do some of the relatives of late Libyan ruler Moammar al-Gaddafi. Over time, relations progressed from the personal to military, intelligence and political cooperation. This culminated in the LNA commander’s trip to Damascus. It was reported that he discussed with military and security officials efforts to establish bilateral relations and kick off cooperation against Turkey.

This also included sending military and security experts, as well as fighters, to help in the LNA’s offensive against the Tripoli-based Government of National Accord, which is backed by Ankara. This has coincided with Russia sending Syrian fighters from areas it has recaptured, especially in Eastern Ghouta, to Libya. The head of Russia’s Wagner Group in Syria has also sent equipment and gear to the LNA.

With these steps, Haftar, Damascus and Moscow are countering Ankara’s dispatch of thousands of allied Syrian fighters to fight alongside the GNA against the LNA. The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights reported last week that some 117 Syrian mercenaries have been killed in Libya, while 5,000 more have been sent to the country.

Diplomatic breakthrough

Haftar’s visit to Syria has been touted in Damascus as an “achievement”. Haftar’s “government” reopened the Libyan embassy in the Syrian capital after it was shut in 2012. The flag of the revolution, not the Gaddafi flag, was raised above it. Whatever was spoken in private between Haftar and Syrian officials was revealed by Syrian Deputy Foreign Minister Faisal al-Moqdad, who said at the embassy reopening: “This is an acknowledgment that Syria and Libya are waging the same battle against terrorism and those who support it.”

Libyan Foreign Minister Abdulhadi Elhweg made similar remarks, noting Libya and Syria were fighting “one enemy,” Turkey and its President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. “We believe in the united Libya and our enemies and foes are those who sell the country to the colonizer, especially the Turkish one,” he said.

Arab fold

The Arab League suspended Syria’s membership in 2011, in wake of the eruption of its uprising and the brutal regime crackdown against. Several Arab countries also shut their embassies, but some have gradually been reopening them, including the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain.

Each Turkish military advance in Syrian territory was met with more Arab steps towards Damascus or against Ankara. Arab countries, or at least some of them, appear as concerned now with the Turkish threat as they are with the Iranian one. Days ago, the Arab ministerial council condemned Turkish deployment, demanding that it withdraw its forces. Ankara responded with rejection, claiming it “respects the territorial integrity of Arab countries.” It added it was taking a “constructive” position to prevent the region from plunging further into instability and that its efforts were “appreciated” by Arab peoples.

These developments have taken place ahead of an upcoming Arab League summit, scheduled for Algeria. The Algerian leadership is keen on postponing the summit from late March to late June for several reasons, most important of which is “providing the necessary conditions to achieve a breakthrough to return Syria to the League.” The organization’s chief Ahmed Aboul Gheit said this was possible after necessary Arab-Arab and Arab-Syrian consultations are held.

He failed to mention that this hinges on the outcome of the battle for Syria’s Idlib province where the Syrian regime, backed by Russia, is locked in a standoff with Turkey and its allied factions. Moscow has been actively attempting to persuade Arab countries to restore Syria’s membership, while Ankara has been bringing in more military reinforcements to see that that does not happen. It is evident that the more Turkey tries to gain a foothold in Syria, the more Arab countries would secretly and openly move towards Damascus.

All of this also hinges on Washington since the Arab League is set to be held at a time when the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act goes into effect in mid-June. The act prohibits any form of “political normalization” of ties with the regime and bars the public and private sectors from contributing in Syria’s reconstruction. Any breach of the act will lead to a slew of sanctions.



'We Will Die from Hunger': Gazans Decry Israel's UNRWA Ban

 Itimad Al-Qanou, a displaced Palestinian mother from Jabalia, eats with her children inside a tent, amid Israel-Gaza conflict, in Deir Al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, November 9, 2024. REUTERS/Ramadan Abed
Itimad Al-Qanou, a displaced Palestinian mother from Jabalia, eats with her children inside a tent, amid Israel-Gaza conflict, in Deir Al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, November 9, 2024. REUTERS/Ramadan Abed
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'We Will Die from Hunger': Gazans Decry Israel's UNRWA Ban

 Itimad Al-Qanou, a displaced Palestinian mother from Jabalia, eats with her children inside a tent, amid Israel-Gaza conflict, in Deir Al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, November 9, 2024. REUTERS/Ramadan Abed
Itimad Al-Qanou, a displaced Palestinian mother from Jabalia, eats with her children inside a tent, amid Israel-Gaza conflict, in Deir Al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, November 9, 2024. REUTERS/Ramadan Abed

After surviving more than a year of war in Gaza, Aisha Khaled is now afraid of dying of hunger if vital aid is cut off next year by a new Israeli law banning the UN Palestinian relief agency from operating in its territory.

The law, which has been widely criticised internationally, is due to come into effect in late January and could deny Khaled and thousands of others their main source of aid at a time when everything around them is being destroyed.

"For me and for a million refugees, if the aid stops, we will end. We will die from hunger not from war," the 31-year-old volunteer teacher told the Thomson Reuters Foundation by phone.

"If the school closes, where do we go? All the aspects of our lives are dependent on the agency: flour, food, water ...(medical) treatment, hospitals," Khaled said from an UNRWA school in Nuseirat in central Gaza.

"We depend on them after God," she said.

UNRWA employs 13,000 people in Gaza, running the enclave's schools, healthcare clinics and other social services, as well as distributing aid.

Now, UNRWA-run buildings, including schools, are home to thousands forced to flee their homes after Israeli airstrikes reduced towns across the strip to wastelands of rubble.

UNRWA shelters have been frequently bombed during the year-long war, and at least 220 UNRWA staff have been killed, Reuters reported.

If the Israeli law as passed last month does come into effect, the consequences would be "catastrophic," said Inas Hamdan, UNRWA's Gaza communications officer.

"There are two million people in Gaza who rely on UNRWA for survival, including food assistance and primary healthcare," she said.

The law banning UNRWA applies to the Israeli-occupied West Bank, Gaza and Arab East Jerusalem, areas Israel captured in 1967 during the Six-Day War.

Israeli lawmakers who drafted the ban cited what they described as the involvement of a handful of UNRWA's thousands of staffers in the attack on southern Israel last year that triggered the war and said some staff were members of Hamas and other armed groups.

FRAGILE LIFELINE

The war in Gaza erupted on Oct. 7, 2023, after Hamas attack. Israel's military campaign has levelled much of Gaza and killed around 43,500 Palestinians, Gaza health officials say. Up to 10,000 people are believed to be dead and uncounted under the rubble, according to Gaza's Civil Emergency Service.

Most of the strip's 2.3 million people have been forced to leave their homes because of the fighting and destruction.

The ban ends Israel's decades-long agreement with UNRWA that covered the protection, movement and diplomatic immunity of the agency in Israel, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

For many Palestinians, UNRWA aid is their only lifeline, and it is a fragile one.

Last week, a committee of global food security experts warned there was a strong likelihood of imminent famine in northern Gaza, where Israel renewed an offensive last month.

Israel rejected the famine warning, saying it was based on "partial, biased data".

COGAT, the Israeli military agency that deals with Palestinian civilian affairs, said last week that it was continuing to "facilitate the implementation of humanitarian efforts" in Gaza.

But UN data shows the amount of aid entering Gaza has plummeted to its lowest level in a year and the United Nations has accused Israel of hindering and blocking attempts to deliver aid, particularly to the north.

"The daily average of humanitarian trucks the Israeli authorities allowed into Gaza last month is 30 trucks a day," Hamdan said, adding that the figure represents 6% of the supplies that were allowed into Gaza before this war began.

"More aid must be sent to Gaza, and UNRWA work should be facilitated to manage this aid entering Gaza," she said.

'BACKBONE' OF AID SYSTEM

Many other aid organizations rely on UNRWA to help them deliver aid and UN officials say the agency is the backbone of the humanitarian response in Gaza.

"From our perspective, and I am sure from many of the other humanitarian actors, it's an impossible task (to replace UNRWA)," said Oxfam GB's humanitarian lead Magnus Corfixen in a phone interview with the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

"The priority is to ensure that they will remain ... because they are essential for us," he said.

UNRWA supports other agencies with logistics, helping them source the fuel they need to move staff and power desalination plants, he said.

"Without them, we will struggle with access to warehouses, having access to fuel, having access to trucks, being able to move around, being able to coordinate," Corfixen said, describing UNRWA as "essential".

UNRWA schools also offer rare respite for traumatised children who have lost everything.

Twelve-year-old Lamar Younis Abu Zraid fled her home in Maghazi in central Gaza at the beginning of the war last year.

The UNRWA school she used to attend as a student has become a shelter, and she herself has been living in another school-turned-shelter in Nuseirat for a year.

Despite the upheaval, in the UNRWA shelter she can enjoy some of the things she liked doing before war broke out.

She can see friends, attend classes, do arts and crafts and join singing sessions. Other activities are painfully new but necessary, like mental health support sessions to cope with what is happening.

She too is aware of the fragility of the lifeline she has been given. Now she has to share one copybook with a friend because supplies have run out.

"Before they used to give us books and pens, now they are not available," she said.