Beirut Streets Get Caught between Poverty, Epidemic

A street vendor pushes his cart in Shatila Palestinian refugee camp, wearing a face mask to try to protect against the spread of COVID-19, in Beirut suburbs, Lebanon, March 30, 2020. (Reuters)
A street vendor pushes his cart in Shatila Palestinian refugee camp, wearing a face mask to try to protect against the spread of COVID-19, in Beirut suburbs, Lebanon, March 30, 2020. (Reuters)
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Beirut Streets Get Caught between Poverty, Epidemic

A street vendor pushes his cart in Shatila Palestinian refugee camp, wearing a face mask to try to protect against the spread of COVID-19, in Beirut suburbs, Lebanon, March 30, 2020. (Reuters)
A street vendor pushes his cart in Shatila Palestinian refugee camp, wearing a face mask to try to protect against the spread of COVID-19, in Beirut suburbs, Lebanon, March 30, 2020. (Reuters)

Dozens of young men and children gather near a small entrance to the Burj al-Barajneh refugee camp, where they chat and play, while a tuk-tuk vehicle, flying a small Palestinian flag, heads to the main road, with a number of boys and girls on it chanting a famous song.

Members of the Lebanese army at the two checkpoints, located near the camp and at the entrance to the southern suburb, do not show any reaction to the sight of the tuk-tuk crossing between them.

In the inner roads of Haret Hreik and Burj al-Barajneh, life seems to be normal, with only few people wearing face masks. Motorcycles race between cars to pass through narrow streets, while the celebration of religious and social occasions have never stopped.

Similar scenes are seen in Burj Hammoud, the Armenian majority district connected to Beirut. Most shops opened their doors to customers as in normal days.

The activity is not limited to food stores and restaurants. Apparently, apparel shops, mobile phones and auto parts are operating at their usual pace.

But as you walk further towards central Beirut, you find silence prevailing over empty streets, closed shops and banks protected with metal shields for fear of angry depositors, who have seen their money evaporate under strict financial restrictions.

Emptiness in the commercial center is suddenly struck with the sight of a large crowd in a luxury restaurant located between Bab Idriss and Wadi Abu Jameel. It looks like as if its clients were not affected by poverty and the epidemic, and they are still able to visit these exclusive places, and let their drivers wait for them in their expensive cars.

The heart of Beirut, Hamra Street, was hit with a severe blow. Most of its shops are closed, while its famous cafes are almost empty due to the social distancing measures, on the one hand, and the difficulty of working within the specified hours, on the other.

It is too early - perhaps - to draw economic and social conclusions on the double disaster that struck Lebanon over the past months. The combination of the economic collapse and the political crisis with the spread of the coronavirus disease leaves a very harsh impression on those who are used to wandering the streets of the capital and its suburbs on less miserable days.

However, a rapid assessment of the above observations predicts the image of the next phase. In other words, the sectors that marked the economy - but rather society, politics and culture - will fall in a kind of clinical death. The banking sector has lost its most important component: confidence. This will not be recovered without major efforts that no one seems to be heading towards.

Tourism, which has been dying for years, is practically ruined. Tourism institutions, even those that have endured the risks and destruction of the civil war, announce their final closure. The same applies, even to a lesser extent, to education and hospital establishments, and durable and consumer goods stores.

Confronted with poverty and the epidemic, the Lebanese stand unable to protest and reject, after they exhausted the peaceful means of objection while the country’s politicians and decision-makers have not batted an eye and seem to be living on a different planet.



Hezbollah’s ‘Statelet’ in Syria’s Qusayr Under Israeli Fire

Smoke billows from al-Qusayr in western Syria following an attack. (SANA)
Smoke billows from al-Qusayr in western Syria following an attack. (SANA)
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Hezbollah’s ‘Statelet’ in Syria’s Qusayr Under Israeli Fire

Smoke billows from al-Qusayr in western Syria following an attack. (SANA)
Smoke billows from al-Qusayr in western Syria following an attack. (SANA)

Israel has expanded its strikes against Hezbollah in Syria by targeting the al-Qusayr region in Homs.

Israel intensified its campaign against Hezbollah in Lebanon in September and has in the process struck legal and illegal borders between Lebanon and Syria that are used to smuggle weapons to the Iran-backed party. Now, it has expanded its operations to areas of Hezbollah influence inside Syria itself.

Qusayr is located around 20 kms from the Lebanese border. Israeli strikes have destroyed several bridges in the area, including one stretching over the Assi River that is a vital connection between Qusayr and several towns in Homs’ eastern and western countrysides.

Israel has also hit main and side roads and Syrian regime checkpoints in the area.

The Israeli army announced that the latest attacks targeted roads that connect the Syrian side of the border to Lebanon and that are used to smuggle weapons to Hezbollah.

Qusayr is strategic position for Hezbollah. The Iran-backed party joined the fight alongside the Syrian regime against opposition factions in the early years of the Syrian conflict, which began in 2011. Hezbollah confirmed its involvement in Syria in 2013.

Hezbollah waged its earliest battles in Syria against the “Free Syrian Army” in Qusayr. After two months of fighting, the party captured the region in mid-June 2013. By then, it was completely destroyed and its population fled to Lebanon.

A source from the Syrian opposition said Hezbollah has turned Qusayr and its countryside to its own “statelet”.

It is now the backbone of its military power and the party has the final say in the area even though regime forces are deployed there, it told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“Qusayr is critical for Hezbollah because of its close proximity to the Lebanese border,” it added.

Several of Qusayr’s residents have since returned to their homes. But the source clarified that only regime loyalists and people whom Hezbollah “approves” of have returned.

The region has become militarized by Hezbollah. It houses training centers for the party and Shiite militias loyal to Iran whose fighters are trained by Hezbollah, continued the source.

Since Israel intensified its attacks against Hezbollah in Lebanon, the party moved the majority of its fighters to Qusayr, where the party also stores large amounts of its weapons, it went on to say.

In 2016, Shiite Hezbollah staged a large military parade at the al-Dabaa airport in Qusayr that was seen as a message to the displaced residents, who are predominantly Sunni, that their return home will be impossible, stressed the source.

Even though the regime has deployed its forces in Qusayr, Hezbollah ultimately holds the greatest sway in the area.

Qusayr is therefore of paramount importance to Hezbollah, which will be in no way willing to cede control of.

Lebanese military expert Brig. Gen Saeed Al-Qazah told Asharq Al-Awsat that Qusayr is a “fundamental logistic position for Hezbollah.”

He explained that it is where the party builds its rockets and drones that are delivered from Iran. It is also where the party builds the launchpads for firing its Katyusha and grad rockets.

Qazah added that Qusayr is also significant for its proximity to Lebanon’s al-Hermel city and northeastern Bekaa region where Hezbollah enjoys popular support and where its arms deliveries pass through on their way to the South.

Qazah noted that Israel has not limited its strikes in Qusayr to bridges and main and side roads, but it has also hit trucks headed to Lebanon, stressing that Israel has its eyes focused deep inside Syria, not just the border.