Israeli Settlements May Face New Scrutiny after ICC Ruling

A demonstrator holds a Palestinian flag in front of an Israeli soldier during a protest against Jewish settlements in Beit Dajan in the Israeli-occupied West Bank last year. (Reuters)
A demonstrator holds a Palestinian flag in front of an Israeli soldier during a protest against Jewish settlements in Beit Dajan in the Israeli-occupied West Bank last year. (Reuters)
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Israeli Settlements May Face New Scrutiny after ICC Ruling

A demonstrator holds a Palestinian flag in front of an Israeli soldier during a protest against Jewish settlements in Beit Dajan in the Israeli-occupied West Bank last year. (Reuters)
A demonstrator holds a Palestinian flag in front of an Israeli soldier during a protest against Jewish settlements in Beit Dajan in the Israeli-occupied West Bank last year. (Reuters)

Israel’s ongoing building of settlements in the West Bank and east Jerusalem would likely be more vulnerable to prosecution than its military actions against Palestinians — if the International Criminal Court’s top prosecutor decides to open a war crimes investigation.

Such a probe is still a long way off, but the ICC moved a step closer on Friday when it cleared the way for prosecutor Fatou Bensouda to open a war crimes probe against Israel and Palestinian militants.

Any investigation would look at Israeli military actions during a devastating 2014 war in the Gaza Strip and mass border protests that began in 2018. But Israel’s settlement construction in the West Bank and east Jerusalem appear to be open to even tougher scrutiny.

International law bars a country from moving its civilians to occupied territory, making settlement-linked charges perhaps easier to prove than disproportionate use of force on the battlefield.

What did the ICC decide?
Bensouda declared in December 2019 that she believed there was a “reasonable basis” to open a war crimes probe into Israeli military actions and settlement activity. But first, she asked the court to determine whether she had territorial jurisdiction.

In a 2-1 ruling last week, judges granted her that jurisdiction in the West Bank, east Jerusalem and Gaza Strip. The Palestinians claim all three areas, captured by Israel in the 1967 Middle East war, for a future state.

The ruling did not open an actual war crimes probe. That will be Bensouda’s decision. In a brief statement, she said she would closely study the ruling before deciding how to proceed. That process could take months to play out.

In the meantime, Israel has launched personal attacks against Bensouda and accused the court of holding it to unfair standards. It also says the Palestinians don't have a state says accuses the court of wading into political issues.

How did we get here?
Although the Palestinians do not have independence, the state of Palestine was accepted as a nonmember observer state by the UN General Assembly in 2012. The Palestinians have used that upgraded status to join dozens of international organizations, including the ICC.

The Palestinians subsequently asked the court to investigate Israeli military practices in Gaza and settlement activities in the West Bank and east Jerusalem. They asked that the investigation go back to June 13, 2014, a date that coincided with Israel’s war with Gaza's rulers from the militant group Hamas.

The international tribunal is meant to serve as a court of last resort when countries’ own judicial systems are unable or unwilling to investigate and prosecute war crimes.

Israel is not a member of the court and does not recognize its authority, saying it has an independent, world-class judicial system. But the Palestinians say Israel is incapable of investigating itself and claim Israel’s justice system is biased against them.

Embarrassing setback for Israel
At this stage, Israel has little to fear. Friday’s decision was an embarrassing setback, but prosecution of Israeli officials remains hypothetical. Yet the ruling opens the door to a potentially troubling scenario in which former and current Israeli officials might risk arrest if they travel abroad. The Haaretz daily reported Sunday that Israel is preparing to brief hundreds of current and former security officials, fearing they could be subject to arrest.

In the Gaza war, over 2,200 Palestinians, including nearly 1,500 civilians, were killed by Israeli fire, according to United Nations estimates. At least 73 people, including six civilians, were killed on the Israeli side, according to Israeli figures.

Still, proving war crimes could be difficult. Israel says it acted in self-defense against nonstop rocket fire against its cities. It also accuses Hamas, which launched rockets from residential areas, of using civilians as human shields.

Israel also says its own judicial system is more than capable of investigating itself. After the war, the military opened dozens of investigations into the conduct of its troops. Although there were only a handful of convictions on minor charges, that could be enough for Bensouda, who dropped a similar case against British troops in Iraq last year because UK authorities had investigated.

What about the settlements?
Israel’s ongoing settlement building on occupied lands, starting half a century ago, could be much harder to defend.

Some 700,000 Israelis now live in settlements built in the West Bank and east Jerusalem. Settlements are widely viewed as illegal based on the Geneva Convention principle that an occupying power is barred from transferring its population to territories captured in war. Population transfers are listed as a war crime in the ICC’s founding treaty, the Rome Statute.

“The settlement issue is really the biggest issue. This is the elephant in the room,” said Yuval Shany, an expert on international law at the Israel Democracy Institute.

Israel annexed east Jerusalem after the 1967 war and considers the area an inseparable part of its capital. It says the West Bank is “disputed,” not occupied, and its fate should be decided through negotiations.

Yet the Israeli positions have little support internationally, particularly since the departure of the settlement-friendly Trump administration last month.

Shany said the court ruling means that Israeli settlement policy could come under hard-to-defend scrutiny. “This exposes basically the entire Israeli political elite that has been part of a settlement policy to criminal proceedings before the court,” he said. “This is a significant setback.”

Could Palestinians face risks?
In her 2019 decision, Bensouda also found a reasonable basis to conclude that Hamas and other Palestinian militant groups in Gaza committed war crimes by launching rockets indiscriminately toward Israeli population centers.

Hamas welcomed the court’s ruling but declined to comment on the possibility that it could also be the subject of a future probe.



Iranians Struggle with GPS Disruption After Israel War

Iranians shop in the Grand Bazaar in Tehran on August 13, 2025. (AFP)
Iranians shop in the Grand Bazaar in Tehran on August 13, 2025. (AFP)
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Iranians Struggle with GPS Disruption After Israel War

Iranians shop in the Grand Bazaar in Tehran on August 13, 2025. (AFP)
Iranians shop in the Grand Bazaar in Tehran on August 13, 2025. (AFP)

The streets of Tehran have become a confusing maze for driver Farshad Fooladi amid widespread GPS disruption, still ongoing nearly two months after the end of Iran and Israel's unprecedented 12-day war.

"For weeks I have been unable to work," said Fooladi, who uses Iran's homegrown ride-hailing app Snapp to find customers. "Most of the time was wasted wandering around aimlessly," the 35-year-old Iranian driver added.

Unprecedented disruption has plagued users of GPS, which stands for Global Positioning System, in Iran since Israel's surprise attack in mid-June which triggered a deadly 12-day war.

Iran's communications ministry has said the disruptions were necessary for "security and military purposes", without giving further explanation.

Missiles, drones and rockets often use GPS or other similar technologies, which involve triangulating signals from multiple satellites, to find their targets.

Iran has long employed GPS jamming and spoofing around sensitive military sites but the recent disruptions have been the most sustained and widespread.

It remains unclear how long the measures will last or how much damage they have caused to Iranian businesses.

Ride-hailing apps, delivery platforms, and even basic mapping services like Google Maps and its Iranian equivalent Neshan have buckled under the interference.

In many areas, especially around Tehran, users often spot themselves on the maps hundreds of kilometers away from their actual locations.

"To get around, you either need a sharp memory for routes or already know the city well," Fooladi said.

But the driver, originally from the western Lorestan province and less familiar with the capital's winding backstreets, frequently finds himself running into dead ends.

"I only pick up passengers who know the directions, " he said, adding the strategy had severely cut his income.

In early August, the chief executive of the Neshan mapping app, Javad Amel, said in a video interview that daily disruptions through GPS spoofing had been ongoing for years, especially in Tehran.

But he explained in recent weeks that Neshan's daily active users "had dropped by 15 percent, while navigation activity on the app fell by 20 percent".

The continued disruption has heightened fears of a deepening economic crisis among Iranians.

The country's economy is already struggling under the weight of decades of international sanctions and mismanagement, compounded by the revival of US President Donald Trump's "maximum pressure" campaign earlier this year.

Nuclear talks with Washington, which began in April, have also stalled since the United States joined its ally Israel to strike Iranian nuclear sites in June.

"This war has upended our lives and frozen our future plans," said Fooladi.

In a report last week, the Khabar Online news agency warned against the disruption of GPS, saying it caused "collateral damage" to the digital economy and public safety, including delays to emergency services.

Former communications minister Mohammad Javad Azari Jahromi argued the disruption was costly and would likely have limited defensive results.

"Drone manufacturers and operators are not stupid either. If the GPS is disrupted and another positioning system replaces it, they will also use the new system," Jahromi said according to his Telegram channel.

With the significant impact on civilian lives, deputy communications minister Ehsan Chitsaz suggested that Iran could consider alternatives to GPS.

"Disruptions are created by domestic systems on GPS, and this has pushed us toward alternative options such as BeiDou," he told Iranian daily Ham Mihan in July.

The Chinese satellite system BeiDou, fully operational since 2020, is emerging as a global rival to the US-built and operated GPS.

Chitsaz said Iran was "drafting a program" so some of the country's location-based services for transport, agriculture could "gradually migrate from GPS to BeiDou".

He acknowledged disruptions in Iran, coupled with years-long internet restrictions, have damaged businesses and created "social distrust and despair".

But experts say that replacing GPS would be complex.

"Doing so would require extensive and costly infrastructure changes," said Amir Rashidi of the US-based Miaan group, adding that Iran is currently "highly vulnerable in cyberspace".

Many in Iran believe that another confrontation with Israel is on the horizon as Israel and the United States continue to threaten attacks if Iran restarts its nuclear program, which has been on hold since the war.

"Everything is uncertain, and we can't plan. The future is unclear," said Mohammad Hossein Ghanbari, a 32-year-old Snapp driver.

"We don't know whether the war will break out again or what will happen next."