Khaddam’s Memoirs: Assad Defied Int'l Community and Extended Emile Lahoud's Term

Asharq Al-Awsat publishes excerpts from the late Syrian vice president’s memoirs.

Assad meets with former Lebanese President Emile Lahoud in Beirut in October 1998. (Getty Images)
Assad meets with former Lebanese President Emile Lahoud in Beirut in October 1998. (Getty Images)
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Khaddam’s Memoirs: Assad Defied Int'l Community and Extended Emile Lahoud's Term

Assad meets with former Lebanese President Emile Lahoud in Beirut in October 1998. (Getty Images)
Assad meets with former Lebanese President Emile Lahoud in Beirut in October 1998. (Getty Images)

In this second episode of the memoirs of late former Syrian Vice President Abdel Halim Khaddam, Asharq Al-Awsat focuses on President Bashar al-Assad’s decision to extend the term of then-Lebanese President Emile Lahoud and efforts to persuade then prime minister, late Rafik Hariri, to agree to the extension.

“The Lebanese public opinion was divided between an overwhelming majority opposing the extension and a minority supporting it, in addition to total international rejection,” Khaddam wrote in his memoirs.

He noted that a meeting between US President George W. Bush and his French counterpart, Jacques Chirac, in June 2004 underlined the two countries’ “categorical rejection” of Lahoud’s term extension and denounced the Syrian interference in Lebanese affairs.”

With the expansion of the opposition at the Lebanese, Arab and international levels, in parallel with calls to stop the Syrian interference and the withdrawal of the Syrian troops from Lebanon, it was clear that “any irrational position from the regime in Syria will lead to great damage to the country.”

Khaddam continued: “During my meetings with Dr. Bashar al-Assad, I tried to convince him of the danger of the extension.”

He noted that Assad exerted great pressure on Hariri. Following a meeting in July, held in the presence of Major General Ghazi Kenaan, Brigadier General Rustom Ghazali and Colonel Muhammad Khallouf, Hariri suffered from high blood pressure and nosebleeds due to Assad’s harsh words.

Khaddam said: “On that morning, I had an appointment with Dr. Bashar. He was upset and tense, and said: ‘I had Rafik Hariri. I received him at 7:30 in the morning, and I told him clearly and frankly, in the presence of the officers, that he was not allowed to choose a president, for I am the one who chooses, and whoever disobeys me will have his bones broken.’”

The Syrian vice-president expressed his shock, telling Assad: “What have you done? You are talking with the prime minister of Lebanon who represents the Lebanese Muslims. Did you think about the impact of your words if they spread? We have worked for many years to give the prime minister and the speaker of the parliament a fundamental role, and you are working for Emile Lahoud to weaken this role. You have no interest in that.”

Assad calmed down and said: "Invite Prime Minister Hariri to visit you and work to erase the outcome of my meeting.”

“I will do that,” Khaddam replied.

Khaddam recalled that he contacted Hariri and blamed him for having come to Damascus without calling him.

“I wait for you to come to Damascus within days,” he told the Lebanese premier, who replied: “I was in a very bad condition; that’s why I didn’t contact you. I will not visit Damascus again.”

The two men had a long conversation, after which Khaddam convinced Hariri to meet with him in Bloudan, near Damascus.

“I will not forget my meeting with Bashar al-Assad for as long as I am alive,” the Lebanese politician told Khaddam.

“You are a political man, and you should not take things like this,” his interlocutor said, emphasizing that Assad was angry as he spoke to him.

Khaddam said that during that encounter, he tried to reduce the tension between the Syrian president and Hariri.

He continued: “On August 18, 2004, I met with President Assad to bid him farewell before my trip to France for my annual medical examinations. During that meeting, we discussed the issue of the extension of Lahoud, and I asked him: ‘Where are we with this issue?’ He replied: ‘I decided not to extend his tenure. No one in the world agrees with it; Arab countries and the majority of the Lebanese are against it. I informed President Lahoud of our decision.’”

A few days later, while he was in France, Khaddam received a phone call from Hariri, who told him that Assad had again decided to extend Lahoud’s term and that he had summoned him to Damascus for a brief meeting.

“You have to define your stance: Are you with or against Syria?” Assad reportedly asked Hariri during that meeting.

The Lebanese premier asked for Khaddam’s advice, noting that Druze Leader Walid Jumblatt has warned him that he could not bear the consequences of his rejection of the Syrian decision. The Syrian official agreed, encouraging Hariri to agree then to leave Lebanon and announce his resignation. Hariri informed Brigadier General Rustom Ghazali of his approval, then left for Sardinia to meet his family there.

Khaddam recounted: “A few days later, he called me, while I was still in France, and asked me: ‘If I go back to Lebanon, is there a threat to my life?’ I replied: ‘You have agreed to everything that Dr. Assad requested and he still needs you, because the amendment of the constitution is yet to be made. But, as I advised you, after completing the task, leave Lebanon immediately and announce your resignation.’”

During that period, European countries were seeking to adopt a United Nations Security Council resolution on Lebanon and the Syrian troop withdrawal. Assad asked his foreign minister Farouk al-Sharaa to contact his Spanish counterpart, Miguel Angel Moratinos, to ask him to support Syria and to stop the Security Council from meeting, in return for Damascus’ to abandon the extension of Lahoud’s term and to hold presidential elections instead.

Spanish Prime Minister José Luis Zapatero exerted great efforts with Bush, British Prime Minister Tony Blair and Chirac, who finally agreed to cancel the Security Council session if Syria fulfilled its commitment.

Moratinos contacted Sharaa and informed him that Western countries agreed to the Syrian proposal. He hoped that the Syrian side would contact parliament Speaker Nabih Berri to cancel the parliament session devoted to amending the constitution to extend Lahoud’s term. Sharaa replied: “Lebanon is an independent state, and we have nothing to do with it. You call Speaker Nabih Berri.”

The Spanish minister was surprised by this answer. Nevertheless, Moratinos called Berri and recounted what happened. Berri replied: “Lebanon is an independent and sovereign state, and Syria has nothing to do with this issue.”

Consequently, the Security Council met on Sept. 2 and issued Resolution 1559, calling on Syria to withdraw its forces from Lebanon and to stop interfering in its internal affairs. It also included Lebanon’s call for presidential elections without outside interference. The resolution affirmed the country’s independence and sovereignty and called for the dismantling of non-state armed organizations. The decision was issued under Chapter Seven of the United Nations Charter, and thus the Syrian regime came under the supervision of the Security Council.

Khaddam recalled: “I returned from France on Sept. 5, 2004. The next day, President Assad received me, and after a chat about my medical examinations, he spoke about his meeting with US Congressman Darrel Issa, who expressed his willingness to exert efforts to improve Syrian-American relations.” He also briefed him on a meeting with Martin Indyk, the former security advisor to US President Bill Clinton, who was highly critical of Bush’s policy.

“The two men have no role in making American policy,” Khaddam told Assad, who replied: “We will receive a large US delegation headed by William Burns, Assistant Secretary of State for Middle East Affairs… The United States does not care about Lebanon, but Iraq.”

Assad continued: “What is better: focus on American-Syrian relations or Syrian-European relations?” Khaddam answered: “The United States is the most influential power in the world, and focusing on relations with it is better, but the major obstacle is Israel’s position in US politics. As for Europe, its impact is limited, but working with it is much easier than working with the Americans.”



Iran Faces Power Struggle Over Nuclear Talks Management

Photo posted on Larijani’s Telegram account last May
Photo posted on Larijani’s Telegram account last May
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Iran Faces Power Struggle Over Nuclear Talks Management

Photo posted on Larijani’s Telegram account last May
Photo posted on Larijani’s Telegram account last May

A renewed debate is simmering in Tehran over whether Iran’s nuclear file should remain under the Foreign Ministry or be returned to the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC), after Ali Larijani’s reinstatement as the council’s secretary sparked speculation of a shift in control.

Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi dismissed the rumors, telling the Khabar Online news site, which is close to Larijani and had floated the possibility, that “there is currently no such plan on the agenda, and I do not think it will happen.”

His comments appeared aimed at cooling media chatter over a redistribution of authority, fueled by Larijani’s comeback and the council’s historic dominance in shaping nuclear strategy.

The remarks come a month after parliament passed a law suspending cooperation with the UN nuclear watchdog and requiring SNSC approval for future inspections of atomic sites. While not a breakthrough, the law was seen as a tactical move to pressure Western powers and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

A joint subcommittee of the SNSC and Defense Ministry – with operational protection handled by a special Revolutionary Guards unit – currently coordinates inspector access with the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran.

Analysts say the legislation reflects a broader push to boost the security council’s influence over the nuclear file, tightening its grip on future talks.

Shifting Authority, Same Ultimate Arbiter

The tug-of-war over who runs the negotiations is not new. While tactics have shifted with changes in government, ultimate authority has always rested with Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.

The most notable shift came in 2013 under former president Hassan Rouhani, when responsibility for negotiations was handed to the Foreign Ministry. The SNSC, however, remained the main decision-making “kitchen,” with all major policy choices vetted by Khamenei.

The move gave the ministry a higher profile internationally but did not strip the council of its veto power.

Larijani’s return has revived speculation about a reversal.

Between 2004 and 2006, he served as SNSC secretary and Iran’s chief nuclear negotiator before resigning in a dispute with then-president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, whose hardline stance triggered UN Security Council sanctions later frozen under the 2015 nuclear deal.

Power struggles over the file go back further, including attempts in the Rafsanjani era to transfer oversight to the Expediency Council, the Supreme Leader’s top advisory body now chaired by Larijani’s brother, Sadeq.

Those efforts were part of a bid to continue the negotiation track started in 2003 under reformist president Mohammad Khatami, when Rouhani held the SNSC post.

Khamenei’s Signals

In March 2024, reports suggested Khamenei wanted the nuclear file moved back under bodies directly answerable to him, after appointing political adviser Ali Shamkhani to run parallel talks alongside the late president Ebrahim Raisi’s government.

Shamkhani oversaw negotiations for a decade as SNSC secretary, a period when the file was formally under the Foreign Ministry but still shaped by the council.

Critics of the current structure say the ministry’s limited powers make indirect talks with Washington harder. Rouhani himself complained about this during the final months of his presidency, when near-final Vienna talks with the Biden administration collapsed in March 2022 following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Parallel Channels

Larijani’s return may reassure pro-diplomacy factions, given his role in shepherding the 2015 deal as parliament speaker. His exclusion from the 2021 and 2024 presidential races was partly due to conservative backlash over his support for the accord.

But others fear he may revert to closer alignment with hardliners, given his mandate to execute Khamenei’s policies. In June, Larijani posted a video on X threatening IAEA chief Rafael Grossi during the 12-day war with Israel.

Khamenei underscored his oversight on July 16, in only his second public appearance since the conflict began, urging diplomats to act with “precision” and follow “guidance” – remarks widely read as direct orders reflecting the sensitivity of the moment.

Adding to the intrigue, former foreign minister Ali Akbar Salehi revealed this month the existence of an influential, unnamed parallel committee directing negotiations outside the SNSC framework. He gave no details on its members but called it “effective and active.”

Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei said the ministry works within a clear hierarchy and communicates its views to relevant decision-makers. While an imminent transfer of the file appears unlikely, current signs point to Larijani having a greater hand in shaping Iran’s strategy, given his experience and direct access to Khamenei.

The tussle over control of the nuclear file, analysts say, reflects Iran’s internal balance of power more than any technical procedural dispute.

The Foreign Ministry brings diplomatic tools and international reach, but the SNSC – and its shadow committees – retain final authority under the Supreme Leader. Larijani’s return could centralize decision-making and unify messaging, but at the cost of limiting the diplomats’ room for maneuver.

Success in any future talks, they say, will depend on how well Tehran balances internal discipline with external pressure.