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Internal Rift Shakes Patriotic Union of Kurdistan Foundations

Lahur Talabany, co-chair of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). (Reuters)
Lahur Talabany, co-chair of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). (Reuters)
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Internal Rift Shakes Patriotic Union of Kurdistan Foundations

Lahur Talabany, co-chair of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). (Reuters)
Lahur Talabany, co-chair of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). (Reuters)

News from Iraqi Kurdistan’s Sulaymaniyah Governorate, the stronghold of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) party, suggests that divisions within the Talabani family are profoundly shaking the Kurdish nationalist party that was founded by Jalal Talabani some 46 years ago.

A difference in visions and interests has manifested in a possible power struggle between Bafel Talabani and Qubad Talabani, the sons of the late founder, and their paternal cousin Lahur Talabany.

In February 2020, Lahur and Bafel were elected as co-chairs of the PUK, following years of wrangling within the party over who would succeed the late Jalal Talabani, who died in 2017.

However, current signs confirm the end of the era of co-chairing in the party as PUK sources point out that the tug of war within the party will be resolved in favor of the sons of the founding leader and at the expense of their cousins.

Party media and official social media accounts on Monday named Bafel president of the PUK. The identification was made following Bafel and Lahur holding a meeting with former Iraqi prime minister Haider al-Abadi.

In contrast, Lahur’s media office released a statement about the meeting in which he was still named as the PUK’s co-chair.

While the party’s official media outlet focused on a “PUK roadmap and clear national strategy towards overall equations,” the statement released by Lahur’s media office focused on the “pressing need for unity among national ranks.”

The latter statement also said that accord is needed on “all sensitive and crucial issues to protect the country from problems and fragmentation and help achieve stability, security and services for citizens in the Kurdistan Region and Iraq.”

The PUK was founded in 1975 after breaking away from the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP).

The two parties fought a long civil war in the 1990s before agreeing to share power in a united administration. They both retain their own Peshmerga units and geographical areas of influence.

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Uncertain Future for the PFLP-GC in Post-Assad Syria

Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
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Uncertain Future for the PFLP-GC in Post-Assad Syria

Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 

The brief detention of Talal Naji, Secretary-General of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command (PFLP-GC), by Syrian authorities has renewed scrutiny over the status of Palestinian factions still operating in Syria, particularly those that aligned with the former Assad regime.

Naji’s arrest and swift release come amid a major political realignment following the collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s government in December 2024. Once one of the most active and heavily armed Palestinian groups in Syria, the PFLP-GC now faces an uncertain future, along with other factions that were long tolerated—or even supported—under Assad’s rule.

A well-informed Palestinian source, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the new Syrian administration has appointed a figure known as Abu Abdul Rahman al-Shami to oversee the file of Palestinian factions. Since assuming the role, al-Shami has convened multiple meetings with faction representatives, including regular attendees from the PFLP-GC, to discuss the fate of their fighters, weapons, property, and military infrastructure.

According to the source, al-Shami has made it clear that the new government intends to hold accountable any individuals or groups implicated in crimes against Syrian civilians during the civil war. Palestinian factions have been instructed to surrender all weapons and military equipment, and to limit their activities to humanitarian and relief work. The PFLP-GC, the source said, has largely complied.

Despite the fall of the Assad regime, Naji and much of the PFLP-GC’s second- and third-tier leadership have remained in Syria. Its offices in Damascus reportedly continue to operate, though under heightened scrutiny. Other faction leaders, however, have fled. Among them are Khaled Abdul Majid (Popular Struggle Front), Ziyad al-Saghir (Fatah–Intifada), Mohammad al-Saeed (Liwa al-Quds), and Saed Abdel Al (Free Palestine Movement). Most are believed to have sought refuge in Lebanon.

Sources confirmed that several PFLP-GC fighters have been detained in recent weeks in connection with alleged war crimes committed during their cooperation with Assad’s forces. The Syrian government has also moved to seize faction offices and military installations across the country, including properties belonging to Fatah–Intifada, the Free Palestine Movement, and the Sa’iqa Forces. Sa’iqa’s leader, Mohammad Qais, remains in Syria.

In a further blow, authorities have reportedly frozen bank accounts belonging to some Palestinian factions, both in state and private banks, although it remains unclear whether the PFLP-GC is among them.

Additionally, it is widely believed that the PFLP-GC has handed over its military training camps, which were previously spread across Damascus countryside, Daraa, Aleppo, and Suwayda. “The situation is extremely sensitive, and everyone is anxious,” one Palestinian source told Asharq Al-Awsat. “It’s likely they’ve surrendered those sites.”

The sense of unease deepened last month when Syrian authorities detained two senior Islamic Jihad officials in Damascus: Khaled Khaled, head of the group’s Syria bureau, and Abu Ali Yasser, its chief organizational officer. Both remain in custody, and no official charges have been announced.

The current atmosphere of fear and uncertainty has driven faction leaders to avoid public comment. Most now insist on anonymity when speaking to local or international media.

Before the outbreak of the Syrian uprising in March 2011, Syria hosted more than a dozen Palestinian factions. As the conflict escalated, the Assad regime encouraged the formation of new pro-regime groups, composed largely of Palestinian refugees, to fight alongside its forces.