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The Next Fashion Trend is Clothes that Don't Exist

Daniella Loftus was an influencer in real-world fashion before devoting herself full-time to digital clothes. Christophe ARCHAMBAULT AFP
Daniella Loftus was an influencer in real-world fashion before devoting herself full-time to digital clothes. Christophe ARCHAMBAULT AFP
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The Next Fashion Trend is Clothes that Don't Exist

Daniella Loftus was an influencer in real-world fashion before devoting herself full-time to digital clothes. Christophe ARCHAMBAULT AFP
Daniella Loftus was an influencer in real-world fashion before devoting herself full-time to digital clothes. Christophe ARCHAMBAULT AFP

The online metaverse is coming and if we're going to be spending more time in virtual worlds, there's one crucial question: What are you going to wear?

"When I first started talking about this, my friends were like, 'What are you talking about?'" said 27-year-old Daniella Loftus.

"But my 14-year-old cousins understood it immediately."

For many, the idea of buying clothes that don't exist is a conceptual leap too far, says AFP.

But emerging digital fashion stores are tapping into a growing market -- not actual clothes but digitally generated outfits that stores simply photoshop onto a customer's photos or videos to be posted onto Instagram and elsewhere.

Soon they are likely to become a way to dress your avatar when interacting in online games and meeting places, all potentially while reclining in sweat pants in your own home.

British influencer Loftus sees so much potential that last month she gave up her job with a fashion consultancy to devote herself full-time to her website, This Outfit Does Not Exist.

Her Instagram shows the potential of virtual clothing that doesn't need to obey the laws of physics -- from a shimmering silver liquid pant suit with tentacles, to a wobbling pink creation with lasers firing out of her bustier.

"Digital is coming to overtake physical. Kids are asking each other: 'What skin did you have in this game yesterday?'" said Loftus.

- Eye-catching -

Isabelle Boemeke, a Brazilian model and influencer, is already an avid buyer of digital outfits.

Online, she is known as Isodope and merges high fashion with a serious commitment to clean energy and environmental activism.

Isabelle Boemeke describes herself as the first 'nuclear influencer'
Isabelle Boemeke describes herself as the first 'nuclear influencer' Jamie McCarthy GETTY IMAGES NORTH AMERICA/AFP
Her other-worldly style fits neatly with her message.

"I wanted to do something very eye-catching and bold. If my videos featured me wearing a T-shirt and jeans, they wouldn't have the same appeal," Boemeke told AFP.

"Models nowadays have the freedom to share more about their personal lives and personalities. I'm a big nerd and I love expressing myself in different ways through fashion or makeup."

That's the demand, so the supply is coming fast.

Outfits on digital fashion store DressX range from $25 hats to strange jellyfish-like dresses for hundreds of dollars.

"Every brand in the future will be on board with digital fashion," said DressX co-founder Daria Shapovalova.

Its own research says 15 percent of customers are doing so for Instagram posts, and almost a quarter found it satisfied their need for a new item of clothing.

"You don't necessarily need physicality to experience the thrill of wearing an extraordinary garment," said Michaela Larosse, of The Fabricant, which sold the first ever digital-only dress in May 2019 for $9,500.

"We will all have a digital self, we'll have an avatar and you'll be able to communicate something about yourself, who you are, what you're interested in, through the iteration of your avatar."

- Reducing waste -

Environmental concerns are also key to their appeal.

The traditional fashion industry is one of the biggest pollutants and waste generators on the planet -- a point made by Extinction Rebellion protesters who stormed the Louis Vuitton catwalk in Paris on Tuesday.

"I know many women who buy an outfit, wear it once for a single photo and never again," said Boemeke.

"They could reduce consumption and waste by using digital fashion for a few of those posts."

The pandemic was an obvious accelerator for these businesses.

"People were stuck at home with nothing to do. They had nowhere to wear those beautiful clothes," said Loftus.

She is clear that digital fashion is not yet for everyone -- and may never be.

"I don't know if a lot of the people who do this stuff online actually want to meet people in person. I think that a lot of their needs and desires can be satisfied online," said Loftus.

It may also prove a great leveller -- a way for anti-social people to (almost literally) shed their skin and adopt another.

"You might be an accountant with a wife, kids, and you're happy being quite mundane in real life, but then the way you want to express yourself in these virtual worlds is totally different," she said.

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Business

Lockheed Martin: Saudi Arabia Is Strategic Choice for Global Defense Hub

Lockheed Martin took part in the recent World Defense Show in Riyadh. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Lockheed Martin took part in the recent World Defense Show in Riyadh. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Lockheed Martin: Saudi Arabia Is Strategic Choice for Global Defense Hub

Lockheed Martin took part in the recent World Defense Show in Riyadh. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Lockheed Martin took part in the recent World Defense Show in Riyadh. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Saudi Arabia’s push to localize half of its defense spending under Vision 2030 is drawing deeper commitments from US defense giant Lockheed Martin, which says it will expand local manufacturing, transfer advanced technologies, and further integrate the Kingdom into its global aerospace and defense supply chains.

Building Saudi partnerships

Steve Sheehy, vice president for international business development at Lockheed Martin’s aeronautics division, said the company is stepping up efforts to partner with both established and emerging Saudi aerospace firms.

Lockheed Martin is looking to build partnerships across maintenance, repair and overhaul, as well as component manufacturing and repair, particularly in advanced avionics, Sheehy told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Speaking after the company’s participation in the World Defense Show in Riyadh, he said Lockheed Martin is also targeting emerging fields such as additive manufacturing, from plastics to metals, and advanced composite materials.

The goal, he said, is twofold: plug gaps in the company’s global supply chain while transferring know-how and strengthening local capabilities in a mutually beneficial model.

Sheehy described the Saudi aerospace sector as established and growing. He also noted that it has a solid base in maintenance and manufacturing, as well as a clear shift toward advanced technologies, creating room for deeper collaboration between national firms and global industry leaders.

Alignment with Vision 2030

Retired Brigadier General Joseph Rank, chief executive of Lockheed Martin in Saudi Arabia and Africa, said the company’s strategy in the Kingdom is rooted in a long-term partnership aligned with Vision 2030, especially the target of localizing 50 percent of defense spending.

Lockheed Martin, he said, is focused on transferring knowledge and advanced technologies, developing local industrial capabilities and building an integrated defense ecosystem that positions Saudi Arabia firmly within global supply chains.

Rank said the company is working closely with government entities and national companies to strengthen local manufacturing, empower Saudi talent and establish a sustainable industrial base that supports innovation and creates high-quality jobs.

Lockheed Martin is advancing manufacturing and repair work on defense equipment, including components of the THAAD air defense system, missile launch platforms, and interceptor missile canisters, in cooperation with Saudi partners, Rank said.

The company has also opened a maintenance center in Riyadh for the Sniper Advanced Targeting Pod system, the first of its kind in the Middle East, to enhance maintenance and technical support capabilities.

Beyond hardware, Lockheed Martin is investing in transferring and localizing advanced technologies in air defense, command and control, and digital manufacturing. It is also supporting science, technology, engineering and mathematics programs and hands-on training in cooperation with national universities.

Broad local network

Rank said the company relies on a wide network of partners in the Kingdom. At the forefront are the General Authority for Military Industries, the main government partner in localization agreements, and Saudi Arabian Military Industries, a key manufacturing and technology transfer partner.

Other collaborators include the Advanced Electronics Company for advanced systems maintenance, the Middle East Propulsion Company and AIC Steel for producing THAAD components and platforms, and the National Company for Mechanical Systems for advanced manufacturing technologies.

Academic partnerships extend to King Abdullah University of Science and Technology, King Saud University, King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals, and Princess Nourah bint Abdulrahman University, supporting research and developing national talent.

Localizing aerospace manufacturing

Rank said localizing aerospace manufacturing is a strategic priority. Lockheed Martin has launched projects to produce interceptor missile launch platforms and canisters inside the Kingdom and awarded contracts for key components to Saudi companies, qualifying them to join its global supply network beyond the US.

The company is evaluating and qualifying hundreds of Saudi firms to produce defense equipment to international standards, focusing on technology transfer and building local expertise as a step toward manufacturing more integrated systems in the future.

Company officials said the approach goes beyond supplying systems. It centers on technology transfer, digital manufacturing, and command-and-control systems, laying the groundwork for the production of integrated systems in the Kingdom and strengthening Saudi Arabia’s position as a regional hub for aerospace and defense.

Interviews

Obeidat to Asharq Al-Awsat: Gaddafi Tried to Assassinate King Hussein with Missile Given to Wadie Haddad

King Hussein and Moammar Gaddafi holding talks on the sidelines of an Arab summit in Cairo in 1970 (AFP).
King Hussein and Moammar Gaddafi holding talks on the sidelines of an Arab summit in Cairo in 1970 (AFP).
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Obeidat to Asharq Al-Awsat: Gaddafi Tried to Assassinate King Hussein with Missile Given to Wadie Haddad

King Hussein and Moammar Gaddafi holding talks on the sidelines of an Arab summit in Cairo in 1970 (AFP).
King Hussein and Moammar Gaddafi holding talks on the sidelines of an Arab summit in Cairo in 1970 (AFP).

In the second installment of his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, former Jordanian prime minister and intelligence chief Ahmad Obeidat recounts details of a missile plot to assassinate King Hussein, which he says was backed by Muammar Gaddafi and carried out through operatives linked to Wadie Haddad, head of the external operations arm of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine.

Obeidat, who also served as head of intelligence and as minister of interior and defense, revisits the confrontation between Israeli forces, the Jordanian army, and Palestinian guerrillas (fedayeen) in the border town of Karameh in March 1968, asserting that the Jordanian army “decided the battle,” but suffered a “moral defeat amid the fedayeen’s claims of victory.”

Obeidat died earlier this month. The interview was recorded before the “Al-Aqsa Flood,” whose aftermath delayed its publication. Below is the text of the second installment.

King Hussein inspects an Israeli tank left behind by occupying forces during the Battle of Karameh (Getty)

“Battle of Karameh”

Obeidat calls Karameh “a pivotal point of utmost importance,” especially for an army still reeling from the 1967 defeat and its withdrawal from the West Bank.

“The army lived the bitterness of that defeat,” he says. “It felt a moral, national, and pan-Arab responsibility.”

Karameh, he argues, offered a chance to restore the army’s fighting morale and reclaim some of its lost dignity.

“It was the army that settled the battle,” Obeidat says.

He credits Jordanian forces with thwarting Israeli attempts to build crossing bridges, destroying their vehicles on Jordanian soil and forcing, for the first time in Israel’s history, a request for a ceasefire. “The late King Hussein refused,” he adds.

Israel, he says, did not acknowledge a fifth of its casualties. Helicopters were evacuating the wounded who were “dripping with blood.”

He singles out artillery observation officers who advanced to the closest possible positions, relaying precise coordinates even as they effectively marked their own locations for shelling.

“The Jordanian soldier would identify his position near the Israeli army to be shelled,” he says, describing a willingness to die in order to restore dignity after the 1967 setback.

He says the declaration of “armed struggle” effectively erased the army’s role, presenting Palestinian fedayeen as the victors over Israel. “They monopolized the victory and ignored the army’s role entirely,” Obeidat says. “We emerged with a moral defeat in the face of their claims.”

He alleges that hundreds of millions of dollars in donations collected afterward, much of it going to Fatah, did not reach the Palestinian people but went to organizations and their leaders.

When the army entered Amman in September 1970, Obeidat says, it aimed to end what he describes as chaos: armed displays, roadblocks, arrests of soldiers on leave and interference in courts.

“The army swept areas without distinguishing between Jordanian and Palestinian,” he says. “It wanted to restore control over security, nothing more.”

He later describes what he calls a “state within a state,” extending from the Jordan Valley to Amman, after armed groups asserted authority over courts, roads, and civilian life.

On Syria’s intervention, Obeidat says Syrian forces entered northern Jordan flying Palestine Liberation Organization flags.

He later learned the decision was political, taken by the Baath Party, and that then-Defense Minister Hafez al-Assad complied reluctantly before Syrian tanks withdrew.

Iraq, he says, did not intervene. Obeidat affirms that he was told by Iraqi officials that neither the Iraqi state nor its forces intended to participate in any operation aimed at ending the Hashemite monarchy in Jordan.

According to one account, Iraqi leaders did not want to shoulder the political and diplomatic burden of the Palestinian issue or risk an uncalculated adventure.

He recounts another account, which he says he cannot adopt, according to which the operations command in the army was handled by a Pakistani figure. Under this account, Zia ul-Haq was receiving operational communications and sending messages that caused confusion among Iraqi and other forces, leading them to believe they would confront powerful strike units, prompting them to remain in a state of alert rather than engage.

He also recalls a meeting in which Palestinian figures, including Abu Iyad, reproached Iraqi President Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr. Al-Bakr replied: “We are a state with one life. If we make a fundamental mistake, we end. You are like cats with seven lives.”

As director of intelligence, Obeidat says he dealt directly with operations attributed to Haddad.

Between 1975 and 1977, he says, a missile was sent to Jordan with a group led by a Jordanian, Brik al-Hadid, affiliated with the PFLP. The target was King Hussein’s aircraft.

“The intention was to strike the plane, with Gaddafi’s knowledge and approval,” Obeidat says.

Jordanian intelligence monitored the group from the outset and later arrested its members. The king’s aircraft departed Marka military airport as scheduled but flew in the opposite direction to its planned route as a precaution, using jamming devices against any incoming missiles.

When confronted by Mudar Badran, then head of the Royal Court, Gaddafi denied knowledge. “I have no information,” Obeidat quotes him as saying.

Obeidat describes the aircraft hijackings orchestrated by Haddad as “the straw that broke the camel’s back,” contributing to the army’s intervention.

He says Jordanian intelligence had infiltrated Fatah and monitored its leaders, including Abu Iyad and Abu Yusuf al-Najjar.

In mid-1972, intelligence learned that Abu Dawood and a group were planning to enter Jordan from Baghdad to seize the Jordanian cabinet during a session and hold ministers hostage in exchange for the release of detained Fatah members.

The group crossed in three Mercedes cars, dressed in traditional Arab attire, with weapons concealed inside the seats and forged passports in hand. They were arrested at the border after a thorough search.

Obeidat rejects claims by Abu Iyad that Abu Dawood was tortured, insisting that “not a single hair on his head was touched,” and says Abu Dawood confessed only after realizing the operation had been fully uncovered.

Later, King Hussein met Abu Dawood’s parents, who pleaded for clemency. The king read the full confession and then met Abu Dawood himself. He ultimately ordered his release, honoring a promise he had made to Abu Dawood’s parents.

In Obeidat’s view, Abu Dawood was affected by the king’s treatment of his parents and “did not pose any future threat to Jordan.”

Obeidat describes a direct relationship between King Hussein and the General Intelligence Department.

The king met with officers regularly, not only to hear briefings but also to hear their personal views. Security presentations would include Crown Prince Hassan, senior advisers, army commanders, the public security chief, the Royal Court chief, and the prime minister.

“Sometimes,” Obeidat says, “it was necessary to elaborate orally before the king on certain matters so they would not circulate more widely.”

Obeidat says the late King Hussein maintained a direct relationship with the General Intelligence Department, meeting regularly with senior officers and listening not only to intelligence briefings but also to their personal assessments.

When security briefings were presented before the king, Crown Prince Hassan would attend, along with royal advisers, senior army commanders, the public security chief, the head of the Royal Court, and the prime minister.

Obeidat says he would submit reports to the prime minister and also meet with the king. When addressing the king, however, it was sometimes necessary to elaborate verbally on certain issues so that such information would not circulate among staff. He met with the king regularly.

When he was asked to present a security briefing before the king, the late King Hussein would summon Crown Prince Hassan. The king’s advisers would also attend, along with senior army commanders, the public security leadership, the head of the Royal Court, and the prime minister. The briefing of the security report would include an explanation of the security situation and any external or internal challenges.

World

US Judge Blocks Deportation of Columbia University Palestinian Activist

Mohsen Mahdawi at a press conference in Vermont last year - Photo by Alex Driehaus/AP
Mohsen Mahdawi at a press conference in Vermont last year - Photo by Alex Driehaus/AP
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US Judge Blocks Deportation of Columbia University Palestinian Activist

Mohsen Mahdawi at a press conference in Vermont last year - Photo by Alex Driehaus/AP
Mohsen Mahdawi at a press conference in Vermont last year - Photo by Alex Driehaus/AP

A US immigration judge has blocked the deportation of a Palestinian graduate student who helped organize protests at Columbia University against Israel's war in Gaza, according to US media reports.

Mohsen Mahdawi was arrested by immigration agents last year as he was attending an interview to become a US citizen.

Mahdawi had been involved in a wave of demonstrations that gripped several major US university campuses since Israel began a massive military campaign in the Gaza Strip.

A Palestinian born in the occupied West Bank, Mahdawi has been a legal US permanent resident since 2015 and graduated from the prestigious New York university in May. He has been free from federal custody since April.

In an order made public on Tuesday, Judge Nina Froes said that President Donald Trump's administration did not provide sufficient evidence that Mahdawi could be legally removed from the United States, multiple media outlets reported.

Froes reportedly questioned the authenticity of a copy of a document purportedly signed by Secretary of State Marco Rubio that said Mahdawi's activism "could undermine the Middle East peace process by reinforcing antisemitic sentiment," according to the New York Times.

Rubio has argued that federal law grants him the authority to summarily revoke visas and deport migrants who pose threats to US foreign policy.

The Trump administration can still appeal the decision, which marked a setback in the Republican president's efforts to crack down on pro-Palestinian campus activists.

The administration has also attempted to deport Mahmoud Khalil, another student activist who co-founded a Palestinian student group at Columbia, alongside Mahdawi.

"I am grateful to the court for honoring the rule of law and holding the line against the government's attempts to trample on due process," Mahdawi said in a statement released by his attorneys and published Tuesday by several media outlets.

"This decision is an important step towards upholding what fear tried to destroy: the right to speak for peace and justice."