Sadr Warns against Sectarian Strife in Iraq’s Diyala

A member of Iraqi security forces is seen after an attack by ISIS militants, near Muqdadiya, Iraq, October 27, 2021. (Reuters)
A member of Iraqi security forces is seen after an attack by ISIS militants, near Muqdadiya, Iraq, October 27, 2021. (Reuters)
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Sadr Warns against Sectarian Strife in Iraq’s Diyala

A member of Iraqi security forces is seen after an attack by ISIS militants, near Muqdadiya, Iraq, October 27, 2021. (Reuters)
A member of Iraqi security forces is seen after an attack by ISIS militants, near Muqdadiya, Iraq, October 27, 2021. (Reuters)

Political and popular reactions continued to pour in in wake of the terrorist attack in Iraq’s Diyala last week that killed and injured 30 people, the majority of whom were from the Shiite Bani Tamim tribe. Meanwhile, militias have been forcibly displacing locals from the area in wake of the attack.

The Ministry of Migration and Displaced said some 227 families have fled the Muqdadiya city, while a rights group said on Tuesday that some 480 have fled to safety out of fear of reprisals by militias believed to be linked to some Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) factions.

Sadrist movement leader, cleric Moqtada al-Sadr warned of impending “sectarian strife” in Diyala.

In a tweet, he urged security forces to work hard to protect the borders and deploy rapidly to curb the dangers.

Commenting on the Diyala unrest, former MP Dhafer al-Ani said: “The state has transformed into nothing more than a humanitarian organization. Instead of preventing killings and displacement among the people of Muqdadiya, we see it offering free burial shrouds to the martyrs and shelter and a million dinars to the displaced.”

The Ministry of Migration and Displaced has said on Sunday it was allocating a million dinars, or 650 dollars, to each displaced family.

Security forces have notably not commented on the developments in Diyala.

The Emtidad movement, which is affiliated with the October 2019 anti-government protests, condemned the unrest.

The movement, which won nine seats in the recent parliamentary elections, addressed the Iraqi people and residents of Diyala, saying it rejects the exploitation of innocent civilians “in settling political scores and forcing demographic changes that only serve sectarian powers and militias that thrive on chaos.”

It urged the security agencies to address the situation and prevent displacement in all its forms.

The Afada rights monitor painted a bleak and tragic picture in Diyala.

In a report, it said: “Armed forces are once against using sectarian violence against the local population in several villages in the northeastern regions of the province.”

“All this is taking place before the eyes of the government authorities in Baghdad and regular security forces, in one of the latest chapters of systematic violence in the province,” it added.

It said militants associated with the Badr organization, led by Hadi al-Ameri, and another operating under the PMF have carried out field executions against unarmed civilians. They have also burned down and destroyed homes in the Nahr al-Imam village.

It reported that as of Tuesday, 12 Iraqis, including two children, were directly killed in Nahr al-Imam. All testimonies point to more victims that have also been executed by the militias that stormed the village late on October 26.

Witnesses, security forces and families of the victims told the monitor that the developments are part of a sectarian campaign carried out by factions, which are protected by the government and state, with the purpose of creating demographic change.

Journalist Ahmed Abdulsada, who is affiliated with the militias and armed factions, had openly called on Friday for the “sectarian purification” of some Sunni regions of Diyala, such as Shawk al-Rim, Nahr al-Imam and al-Harounia “after they have become ISIS colonies and a base for it to launch attacks against Shiites in Muqdadiya and other regions.”

Abdulsada’s comments were vehemently condemned by Iraqis.



Yarmouk Camp: Gaza-like Destruction, Uncertainty Amid Temporary Decisions

The destruction within Syria’s Yarmouk camp mirrors the scenes of war in Gaza (Asharq Al-Awsat)
The destruction within Syria’s Yarmouk camp mirrors the scenes of war in Gaza (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Yarmouk Camp: Gaza-like Destruction, Uncertainty Amid Temporary Decisions

The destruction within Syria’s Yarmouk camp mirrors the scenes of war in Gaza (Asharq Al-Awsat)
The destruction within Syria’s Yarmouk camp mirrors the scenes of war in Gaza (Asharq Al-Awsat)

This is not Gaza. It is the Yarmouk camp in Syria.
Simply reading the sign repeatedly at the entrance of the Palestinian camp near Damascus is not enough to cement this truth in the visitor’s mind.
One must constantly remind themselves, with every step and glance, that this is not Gaza, but the Yarmouk camp, just 18 kilometers from Umayyad Square. The camp faced systematic destruction and a long siege, leading to the deaths of over 150 residents, mostly children, from hunger and thirst.
The few families who returned after the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime or in recent years are barely visible among the vast destruction, which stretches beyond what the eye or camera can capture.
A passerby emerging from the rubble or children returning from their makeshift classes at the nearby UNRWA school might seem like a scene from a film.
But this is the daily reality for the survivors.
“There are no services in the camp,” locals told Asharq Al-Awsat.
“No electricity, running water, internet, or basic healthcare—just ruined buildings, endless destruction, and dust.”
The memory of the starvation siege still lingers in Yarmouk.
A young man who survived the 2018 siege spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat on the condition of anonymity.
“I remember the first piece of bread I ate after days of hunger. The taste never leaves me. After nearly a week without food or water, I remembered seeing a bag of bread in our neighbors' fridge,” he recalled.
“I mustered the strength to go and found the fridge, burned by airstrikes, still attached to the bread. Only the ends of the loaves had survived, though they were moldy... I ate it like a feast.”
The young man then showed old photos of himself, looking pale and thin, almost like a different person. Like him, many men, including heads of households, feared death or arrest if they went to food distribution points. These supplies, trickling in from local factions and the UN, came with great risk. Many "humanitarian corridors" became traps for men and young people.
Since 2011, the camp has endured military targeting, airstrikes, and intense battles. But in 2018, Yarmouk faced one of its darkest moments. After the 2011 uprising, many Palestinians supported it, including activists and Hamas members.
In response, Ahmed Jibril’s Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine–General Command, along with other pro-Assad factions, launched a violent attack on the camp and Free Syrian Army groups.
Barrel bombs fell on Yarmouk and nearby areas like Al-Hajar Al-Aswad, Al-Tadamon, and Yalda. The situation worsened with the presence of a ISIS stronghold in the southern part of the camp, connecting to those areas.
Founded in 1957, Yarmouk camp, covering around 2.5 kilometers, was once a bustling commercial center, home to nearly 1.5 million people, including Syrians, Palestinians, and some Iraqis. Today, fewer than 8,000 people remain, according to UNRWA estimates.
While many compare Yarmouk’s current situation to Gaza, the issue extends beyond the camp. It is one of 15 Palestinian camps in Syria, with over eight suffering severe destruction, all needing rebuilding and support like Yarmouk, as well as other damaged Syrian neighborhoods and areas around Damascus.
Residents face total neglect, uncertain about their future, the fate of missing family members, and the condition of their homes. Their biggest complaint is a sense of being abandoned, with no social, service, or political support.
They feel like orphans of the former regime, armed groups, and the revolution all at once.
Even the Palestinian factions that once controlled the camp now live in Damascus's middle-class and upscale neighborhoods, with some having moved to Beirut.
For years, civilians were trapped between ISIS, other factions, and the regime. Sources confirm that ISIS in Damascus was founded by a former prisoner from Yalda, released by the regime after the 2011 protests.
He was joined by an Iraqi officer living in Yarmouk, both of whom defected from Al-Nusra Front.
For nearly two years, ISIS expanded into nearby areas like Al-Hajar Al-Aswad, Al-Tadamon, and the southern part of Yarmouk, forming a large network of smaller extremist groups that fought and defeated the Free Syrian Army at the time.
During this period, ISIS militants were treated at the government-run Al-Mahini Hospital, later becoming the first armed group to negotiate with the former regime in southern Damascus. They left in organized convoys of buses to the desert of Sweida after surrendering military checkpoints, while Yarmouk residents remained fully besieged.
Asharq Al-Awsat passed the site of the “Ali Al-Wahsh” checkpoint, where a massacre killed 1,200 Yarmouk civilians (according to documented figures).
The worst part of this massacre was not just the number of victims, but the deception used to lure residents with promises of a safe passage for aid after the siege. Once there, men were executed, and women and children were forcibly displaced. Many residents, fearing for their lives, chose to stay hungry rather than risk going for help.
Diaa Suleiman, who lived through that time as a teenager and is now a father of three, said: “After all we went through, we’ve been betrayed. We are completely abandoned. No one looks at us, not even those who caused this. We need protection. We need answers... We need to know where we stand.”
An unofficial meeting, details of which were leaked, took place between Yarmouk faction leaders and representatives of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham. The agreement was that Palestinian fighters would hand over their weapons to the new regime in Syria, following a broader call for all factions to do the same.
While Palestinian weapons in Yarmouk were never used against Israel but instead in internal conflicts to support Assad’s regime, their removal now seems like the least difficult demand.
The value of these weapons has completely disappeared, especially since Yarmouk is now empty and destroyed. Restoring any authority there will require rebuilding both the infrastructure and the people.
“The major challenge ahead is how to define the legal and civil status of Palestinians and protect them through the law,” Ayman Abu Hashem, general coordinator of the Palestinian-Syrian Assembly (Maseer), told Asharq Al-Awsat.
Unlike most Palestinian refugee communities, Syrian law grants Palestinians the right to work, own property, and enjoy all civil rights, except voting. However, it excludes those who arrived after the 1967 war or from Jordan after 1970, and those constitute a significant number.
While most Palestinians in Syria see themselves as also Syrian, Hashem said their main demand is to gain Syrian citizenship while keeping their Palestinian identity.
“We don’t want to be seen as giving up the right of return or our connection to Palestine. But we and our children deserve Syrian citizenship, like anyone born and raised in a country, becoming a dual citizen,” explained Hashem.