Syria's Return... 'Step after Step'?

Then vice president of the United States Joe Biden, left, shakes hands with Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin in Moscow, Russia, March 10, 2011. (AP)
Then vice president of the United States Joe Biden, left, shakes hands with Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin in Moscow, Russia, March 10, 2011. (AP)
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Syria's Return... 'Step after Step'?

Then vice president of the United States Joe Biden, left, shakes hands with Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin in Moscow, Russia, March 10, 2011. (AP)
Then vice president of the United States Joe Biden, left, shakes hands with Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin in Moscow, Russia, March 10, 2011. (AP)

Once again, quiet diplomatic discussions have resumed over adopting a new approach towards Syria. This time around, they would test reaching a roadmap that addresses what is "demanded" of Damascus and its partners, and what is on "offer" to Russia by Washington and its allies.

Russia, it appears, is working on ending Damascus' isolation "one step at a time."

Washington has the means to press for its demands. It enjoys military presence in northeastern Syria, sanctions, the Caesar Act, and political isolation against Damascus - all of which it can use as conditions for the reconstruction of the war-torn country.

Moscow, meanwhile, is keen on receiving international recognition of the "legitimate government" in Damascus, ending its international isolation, reaching a settlement based on its interpretation of United Nations Security Council resolution 2254, empowering the central authority, lifting sanctions off Damascus and reconstructing Syria.

This approach has been tested secretly several times before by the Americans and Russians, but it has failed to make any breakthrough under former US President Donald Trump. Some limited progress was made through the deal in southern Syria that saw the US abandon the armed opposition and the regime's gradual return.

Under US President Joe Biden, demands have once again been made to reconsider this approach, given that the front lines in Syria between the three zones of influence have been largely unchanged since spring 2020, the country's major economic collapse and the main actors' realization that the military victory is impossible for any of them.

The proposal was kept behind closed doors and met with opposition or doubts by the active players. The US was not eager to go through with it and neither were its partners. Germany and France in particular were not to keen on it given their bitter experience in negotiating with Russia.

Moscow, itself, appeared committed to the Astana process along with Turkey and Iran. It too was not keen on mass negotiations over this Syria approach, rather, it preferred bilateral talks and understandings with Washington.

New developments, however, have prompted discussions over the possibility of reviving the "step for step" approach.

New factors have come into the picture. Besides the unchanging front lines and the ongoing economic crisis, Arab countries, such as the United Arab Emirates and Jordan, have been taking steps to normalize ties with Damascus.

The main new factor, however, that may make this approach viable is the Biden administration's lowering of its demands in Syria. Russia, for example, had insisted that the US abandon its demand for regime change in Damascus, and indeed it has happened. Just days ago the White House's Middle East coordinator, Brett McGurk said Washington is giving up its "regime change policies" that it had adopted in wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks.

Washington's goals in Syria are now limited to preserving the gains in wake of the defeat of ISIS, ensuring the delivery of humanitarian aid, maintaining the ceasefire, supporting the political settlement based on resolution 2254 and holding war criminals to account.

This leaves greater room to work with Russia in humanitarian assistance, easing American sanctions, not obstructing any Arab normalization with Damascus, supporting economic projects, such as the Arab Gas Pipeline, and ending the veto on funding UN agency projects for "early recovery" in various sectors.

As it stands, the upcoming meetings that will be held over Syria will be important in testing whether the "step for step" approach is successful. Eyes will be turned to a meeting called for by Washington with its Arab and international allies in Brussels on December 2 and the ministerial meeting between Russia, Turkey and Iran in Astana on December 21.

What the US has to offer is clear, but it remains to be seen what Russia and its partners can bring to the table. This vagueness may be attributed to Moscow's inability to impose its agenda on Damascus.

Perhaps what Moscow really wants is a "step after step" approach, meaning having the US and its allies come closer to Damascus, and not the current "Russian step" in return for "American step" approach.



'We Will Die from Hunger': Gazans Decry Israel's UNRWA Ban

 Itimad Al-Qanou, a displaced Palestinian mother from Jabalia, eats with her children inside a tent, amid Israel-Gaza conflict, in Deir Al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, November 9, 2024. REUTERS/Ramadan Abed
Itimad Al-Qanou, a displaced Palestinian mother from Jabalia, eats with her children inside a tent, amid Israel-Gaza conflict, in Deir Al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, November 9, 2024. REUTERS/Ramadan Abed
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'We Will Die from Hunger': Gazans Decry Israel's UNRWA Ban

 Itimad Al-Qanou, a displaced Palestinian mother from Jabalia, eats with her children inside a tent, amid Israel-Gaza conflict, in Deir Al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, November 9, 2024. REUTERS/Ramadan Abed
Itimad Al-Qanou, a displaced Palestinian mother from Jabalia, eats with her children inside a tent, amid Israel-Gaza conflict, in Deir Al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, November 9, 2024. REUTERS/Ramadan Abed

After surviving more than a year of war in Gaza, Aisha Khaled is now afraid of dying of hunger if vital aid is cut off next year by a new Israeli law banning the UN Palestinian relief agency from operating in its territory.

The law, which has been widely criticised internationally, is due to come into effect in late January and could deny Khaled and thousands of others their main source of aid at a time when everything around them is being destroyed.

"For me and for a million refugees, if the aid stops, we will end. We will die from hunger not from war," the 31-year-old volunteer teacher told the Thomson Reuters Foundation by phone.

"If the school closes, where do we go? All the aspects of our lives are dependent on the agency: flour, food, water ...(medical) treatment, hospitals," Khaled said from an UNRWA school in Nuseirat in central Gaza.

"We depend on them after God," she said.

UNRWA employs 13,000 people in Gaza, running the enclave's schools, healthcare clinics and other social services, as well as distributing aid.

Now, UNRWA-run buildings, including schools, are home to thousands forced to flee their homes after Israeli airstrikes reduced towns across the strip to wastelands of rubble.

UNRWA shelters have been frequently bombed during the year-long war, and at least 220 UNRWA staff have been killed, Reuters reported.

If the Israeli law as passed last month does come into effect, the consequences would be "catastrophic," said Inas Hamdan, UNRWA's Gaza communications officer.

"There are two million people in Gaza who rely on UNRWA for survival, including food assistance and primary healthcare," she said.

The law banning UNRWA applies to the Israeli-occupied West Bank, Gaza and Arab East Jerusalem, areas Israel captured in 1967 during the Six-Day War.

Israeli lawmakers who drafted the ban cited what they described as the involvement of a handful of UNRWA's thousands of staffers in the attack on southern Israel last year that triggered the war and said some staff were members of Hamas and other armed groups.

FRAGILE LIFELINE

The war in Gaza erupted on Oct. 7, 2023, after Hamas attack. Israel's military campaign has levelled much of Gaza and killed around 43,500 Palestinians, Gaza health officials say. Up to 10,000 people are believed to be dead and uncounted under the rubble, according to Gaza's Civil Emergency Service.

Most of the strip's 2.3 million people have been forced to leave their homes because of the fighting and destruction.

The ban ends Israel's decades-long agreement with UNRWA that covered the protection, movement and diplomatic immunity of the agency in Israel, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

For many Palestinians, UNRWA aid is their only lifeline, and it is a fragile one.

Last week, a committee of global food security experts warned there was a strong likelihood of imminent famine in northern Gaza, where Israel renewed an offensive last month.

Israel rejected the famine warning, saying it was based on "partial, biased data".

COGAT, the Israeli military agency that deals with Palestinian civilian affairs, said last week that it was continuing to "facilitate the implementation of humanitarian efforts" in Gaza.

But UN data shows the amount of aid entering Gaza has plummeted to its lowest level in a year and the United Nations has accused Israel of hindering and blocking attempts to deliver aid, particularly to the north.

"The daily average of humanitarian trucks the Israeli authorities allowed into Gaza last month is 30 trucks a day," Hamdan said, adding that the figure represents 6% of the supplies that were allowed into Gaza before this war began.

"More aid must be sent to Gaza, and UNRWA work should be facilitated to manage this aid entering Gaza," she said.

'BACKBONE' OF AID SYSTEM

Many other aid organizations rely on UNRWA to help them deliver aid and UN officials say the agency is the backbone of the humanitarian response in Gaza.

"From our perspective, and I am sure from many of the other humanitarian actors, it's an impossible task (to replace UNRWA)," said Oxfam GB's humanitarian lead Magnus Corfixen in a phone interview with the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

"The priority is to ensure that they will remain ... because they are essential for us," he said.

UNRWA supports other agencies with logistics, helping them source the fuel they need to move staff and power desalination plants, he said.

"Without them, we will struggle with access to warehouses, having access to fuel, having access to trucks, being able to move around, being able to coordinate," Corfixen said, describing UNRWA as "essential".

UNRWA schools also offer rare respite for traumatised children who have lost everything.

Twelve-year-old Lamar Younis Abu Zraid fled her home in Maghazi in central Gaza at the beginning of the war last year.

The UNRWA school she used to attend as a student has become a shelter, and she herself has been living in another school-turned-shelter in Nuseirat for a year.

Despite the upheaval, in the UNRWA shelter she can enjoy some of the things she liked doing before war broke out.

She can see friends, attend classes, do arts and crafts and join singing sessions. Other activities are painfully new but necessary, like mental health support sessions to cope with what is happening.

She too is aware of the fragility of the lifeline she has been given. Now she has to share one copybook with a friend because supplies have run out.

"Before they used to give us books and pens, now they are not available," she said.