Yemenis Agree on Need to End the Houthis Militarily

Houthi supporters attend a rally to mark the first anniversary of the killing of Saleh al-Sammad, who was the head of the Houthi Supreme Political Council (File Photo: Reuters)
Houthi supporters attend a rally to mark the first anniversary of the killing of Saleh al-Sammad, who was the head of the Houthi Supreme Political Council (File Photo: Reuters)
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Yemenis Agree on Need to End the Houthis Militarily

Houthi supporters attend a rally to mark the first anniversary of the killing of Saleh al-Sammad, who was the head of the Houthi Supreme Political Council (File Photo: Reuters)
Houthi supporters attend a rally to mark the first anniversary of the killing of Saleh al-Sammad, who was the head of the Houthi Supreme Political Council (File Photo: Reuters)

Houthi militia leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi commemorated the eighth year of war and terrorism, rejecting all international and regional calls for peace and disregarding the inter-Yemeni consultations hosted by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC).

Houthi disregarded the tragedies his group caused to Yemenis at the humanitarian, economic, and cultural levels during the past years. Instead, he asked his supporters to continue with levies and mobilizations.

He also determined his conditions for ending the war, announcing that his group should rule the country and the Coalition to Support Legitimacy must stop interfering in Yemeni affairs.

Meanwhile, Yemenis are confident the Houthi group will never stop its military escalation, whether inside the country or through terrorist attacks targeting navigation in the Red Sea and threatening the global economy, including the recent attack on the Aramco facility in Jeddah.

Yemenis are also confident that Houthis do not want peace based on the three references, nor does Iran, which is wagering that the power of arms will subject Yemen to its racist rule.

Observers believe that ending the Houthi militias militarily and disarming them will achieve peace.

Yemeni writer and journalist Ahmed Abbas said that the Houthi militia responds negatively to every call for peace and dialogue.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Abbas said that the Gulf Cooperation Council's invitation to the militia to attend the upcoming Riyadh consultations was met with the military escalation and attacks against civilians in Saudi Arabia.

He indicated that the group attacked oil facilities, unaware of the threat this poses to the global economy, and fully aware that it will only be met with timid condemnations from the international community.

Iran awaits the nuclear agreement that will lift the economic sanctions, said Abbas, adding that Tehran incited the Houthis to pressure and achieve the maximum in its nuclear plans, which would have been finalized hadn't it been for the Russian-Ukrainian crisis.

He explained that the attacks were focused on oil facilities, sending a message to the international community that Iranian oil can compensate any shortages caused by the embargo on Russian oil and gas.

The journalist noted that the legitimacy and the coalition supporting it must utilize new mechanisms to pressure the international community because the threat of the Houthi group "can only be curbed or reduced through getting rid of it and uprooting it."

Abbas expects the new nuclear agreement to liberate Iran economically and increase its support for all its arms, especially the Houthis.

Yemeni political analyst, Mahmoud al-Taher, believes that the unprecedented Houthi escalation against energy supplies is related to "Western pressures on oil exporters to increase production, as a result of the crisis in Western markets, and the lack of a firm response by the international community, which encouraged the Houthis to launch more attacks."

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Taher stated that the Houthis reject any dialogue in Riyadh and ignore other Yemeni political components.

Houthis want the dialogue to be with the Coalition that Supports Legitimacy directly, to portray that the war is with these countries, not between the Yemeni people and a group that has turned against the people, according to Taher.

The analyst asserted that the Houthi escalation would only be contained by neutralizing the danger and launching a ground military operation with heavy air support, similar to the ground military operations in Shabwa and Harib last January.

Yemeni journalist and political analyst Wadah al-Jalil considered the Houthi escalation a challenge to the international community in light of the current energy crisis due to the war in Ukraine.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that Houthis want all parties to make concessions, recognize them, and enable them to carry out their project, adding that Iran is behind the hostilities aiming to confirm its power, presence, and ability to harm everyone's interests.

Jalil said that Iran wants to send a message that it can target all oil facilities in the region, noting that he believes international actors involved in the Russian-Ukrainian crisis may have given the "green light" for the attacks, aiming that Saudi Arabia and the UAE will increase their oil production to alleviate the problem.

He accused the parties of exploiting Houthis to blackmail the two Gulf states, providing logistical support, and enabling them to expand their influence.

Jalil believes that the best way to end the Houthi escalation is through a firm and decisive confrontation with the Houthis and classifying them as a terrorist group.

He called for withdrawing all the group's privileges obtained through UN organizations and bodies operating in its control areas, enabling the Yemeni government to restore its sovereignty.



Netanyahu’s Messages: Beyond Türkiye, Closer to Tel Aviv

Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 
Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 
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Netanyahu’s Messages: Beyond Türkiye, Closer to Tel Aviv

Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 
Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 

Following a series of intensified Israeli airstrikes on Damascus and the airports in Homs and Hama, as well as a ground incursion into the city of Nawa near Daraa, Israeli officials on Thursday escalated their rhetoric, issuing fresh threats to the Syrian leadership and warning of further military action—this time citing concerns over Turkish military activity in the region.

Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar voiced particular alarm over Türkiye’s growing role in Syria, Lebanon, and beyond. Speaking at a press conference in Paris, he said: “They are doing everything they can to turn Syria into a Turkish protectorate. That is clearly their intention.”

Defense Minister Israel Katz echoed this sentiment, stating that Israel “will not allow Damascus to become a security threat” to Israel.

Rising Concern Over Türkiye’s Military Footprint in Syria

Military officials in Tel Aviv confirm that Israel sees Türkiye’s growing military presence in Syria as a serious concern. Their fear stems from two key issues: first, Ankara’s reported efforts to rebuild the Syrian army along the lines of its own modernized military model; and second, its apparent goal of establishing a long-term military foothold inside Syrian territory.

Israeli defense sources point out that Türkiye’s armed forces operate based on a traditional ground warfare doctrine, featuring large-scale armored divisions and well-equipped infantry units—similar in style to the Russian military. This stands in contrast to the Israeli military, which relies heavily on air superiority and has long underinvested in ground forces.

Given this disparity, any significant Turkish deployment in Syria could pose a direct challenge to Israeli operations and raise the risk of confrontation.

While the recent Israeli airstrikes targeted mostly long-defunct Syrian military sites—many of which have been hit repeatedly over the years—the attacks signal a broader strategic shift.

In the wake of the October 7, 2023, Hamas-led assault on southern Israel, the Israeli military has moved away from a defensive posture of deterrence and containment. In its place, the army has embraced a more aggressive doctrine built around preemptive action.

This shift was further underscored by the appointment of a new chief of staff from the Armored Corps—the first in three decades—signaling a renewed emphasis on ground operations and offensive initiatives.

Not Just a Message to Türkiye

Despite the messaging around Türkiye’s presence, analysts say the recent wave of Israeli military action also serves broader geopolitical aims.

After failing to persuade Washington to pressure Ankara to scale back its involvement in Syria, Israel now appears determined to assert its own red lines militarily. The airstrike on the Scientific Studies and Research Center in Damascus—a facility already destroyed multiple times since 2018—was widely viewed as symbolic.

Israeli officials say the intended audience for that particular strike was Syrian interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa, whom Israeli intelligence continues to refer to by his former nom de guerre, Abu Mohammad al-Jolani. By launching the attack during the Eid al-Fitr holiday, Israel aimed to send a clear message: there will be no return to normalcy in Syria without accounting for Israeli interests.

Among those interests is normalization. Last month, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reiterated his desire to see Syria and Lebanon join the Abraham Accords and establish formal diplomatic ties with Israel.

Hardline figures within Netanyahu’s coalition believe Israel currently holds a strategic upper hand. As right-wing think tank head Meir Ben-Shabbat recently wrote: “Israel is in its strongest position ever. It is transforming the Middle East, expanding its military capabilities, and pushing back the Iranian axis—while Syria is at its weakest.”

For many in Israel’s ruling right, this is an ideal moment to push for a peace agreement with Syria, possibly even one involving Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Golan Heights.

The Real Audience: Domestic Israel

Still, perhaps the most significant message behind the military campaign is directed not at Ankara, Damascus, or even Tehran—but at Tel Aviv.

As protests against Netanyahu’s leadership have grown louder in recent months, military escalation has served as a convenient political shield. The wars in Gaza, the West Bank, Syria, and Lebanon dominate public attention and have largely sidelined anti-government demonstrations.

“Netanyahu’s government must go, but we won’t take to the streets while our sons are fighting,” has become a common refrain among many Israelis who oppose his leadership but remain reluctant to protest during wartime.

By maintaining a state of conflict, Netanyahu is not only securing his coalition’s survival but also enabling his allies to advance a hardline agenda—particularly on the Palestinian issue—that would have faced greater resistance in peacetime.

Critics warn that this strategy, while politically expedient, comes at a steep cost to Israel’s democratic institutions, its judiciary, and the long-term stability of the region.