Tripoli Factions on Edge as Libya Stalemate Festers

Vehicles drive along a road at the Souk al-Thalath (Tuesday market) district in the center of Libya's capital Tripoli on June 11, 2022, after clashes between two influential militias had occurred there the previous night. (AFP)
Vehicles drive along a road at the Souk al-Thalath (Tuesday market) district in the center of Libya's capital Tripoli on June 11, 2022, after clashes between two influential militias had occurred there the previous night. (AFP)
TT

Tripoli Factions on Edge as Libya Stalemate Festers

Vehicles drive along a road at the Souk al-Thalath (Tuesday market) district in the center of Libya's capital Tripoli on June 11, 2022, after clashes between two influential militias had occurred there the previous night. (AFP)
Vehicles drive along a road at the Souk al-Thalath (Tuesday market) district in the center of Libya's capital Tripoli on June 11, 2022, after clashes between two influential militias had occurred there the previous night. (AFP)

A sudden shootout between factions in the Libyan capital this month provided a vivid demonstration of how a political stalemate could trigger fighting between rival groups and end two years of comparative peace.

Much of Libya has for years been dominated by armed forces that control territory and vie for position while formally acting as paid elements of state security, their presence strikingly apparent during a recent Reuters visit.

In Tripoli, tensions over the standoff between the unity government installed last year and a rival one endorsed by the eastern-based parliament have added to earlier friction in the capital over such groups' relative standing.

Though all sides have publicly said they reject any return to major war and do not expect one, efforts to resolve the standoff have faltered and there are new signs of armed escalation.

Footage shared on social media this week showed a faction opposed to the government in Tripoli moving towards the city from its base in the mountain town of Zintan with a large convoy of military vehicles.

Any prolonged clashes among the different factions in Tripoli could spill over into a wider conflict drawing in forces from across Libya in a new phase of war that would hit civilians hardest.

When the shooting began this month at Souk al-Thulatha park near Tripoli's historic center, families were enjoying the cool sea breeze as a weekend night brought relief from a hot summer day.

Nawal Salem, 42, had gone there with her daughters because a power cut meant she could not run air conditioning at home. The girls played on their bikes and she was scrolling through her phone when she heard the shooting.

In the chaos, as she grabbed her children and ran for home, people were screaming and falling over and she saw lost children, separated from their parents.

"All I remember is carrying my daughters in my arms all the time until we got to a relative's house and I was crying a lot and my daughters were very scared," she said.

Standoff

Four people were reported injured, but in a sign of how transitory - and even normal - such flashpoints have become for city residents, the park was busy again the following morning with families strolling and buying ice creams from a van.

However, there are growing signs that wider clashes could happen, putting the 2020 ceasefire between the main sides in the war at risk.

The ceasefire was accompanied by a political process that has mostly broken down. An interim unity government under Abdulhamid al-Dbeibah was supposed to hold elections in December but a dispute over the rules stopped the vote.

The parliament and eastern forces in the last war have instead appointed a new government under Fathi Bashagha, but Dbeibah has refused to step down and Bashagha cannot enter Tripoli.

Dbeibah still appears to have the support of most of the main armed forces in the capital, but some back Bashagha.

"Because there's no political outlet for discussion and no political process, it makes clashes more likely," said Emadeddin Badi of the Atlantic Council.

"The fact there are two governments is exacerbating these tensions."

Armed group leaders have been able to secure state salaries for their fighters and access to government contracts in return for allegiance to political figures over the past decade, a senior Libyan state official said.

When Bashagha tried to enter Tripoli last month, clashes broke out between rival groups, forcing him to quit the city.

Most of the major armed factions have long been integrated into state payrolls with official roles under the interior or defense ministries, though they answer to their original leaders rather than to the government.

Shooting

In a uniform shop in central Tripoli, the walls are hung with an array of colors and camouflage patterns, tactical gear and a board displaying insignia for the numerous military or security forces, showing the big number of armed groups.

During a five-minute drive along a main Tripoli road from Souk al-Thulatha on the day before the shooting, Reuters counted more than 20 security vehicles with 11 different liveries, ostensibly showing them to be forms of police or army.

At night, city roundabouts are lit by the flashing blue and red lights on security vehicles, idling by the access roads while fighters in an array of uniforms and bearing assault rifles, sometimes with masks over their faces, question drivers.

Periodically, a force moves through the city in an armed convoy with tens of vehicles, the uniformed fighters standing in the back of pick-up trucks mounted with heavy machine guns.



Hezbollah’s ‘Statelet’ in Syria’s Qusayr Under Israeli Fire

Smoke billows from al-Qusayr in western Syria following an attack. (SANA)
Smoke billows from al-Qusayr in western Syria following an attack. (SANA)
TT

Hezbollah’s ‘Statelet’ in Syria’s Qusayr Under Israeli Fire

Smoke billows from al-Qusayr in western Syria following an attack. (SANA)
Smoke billows from al-Qusayr in western Syria following an attack. (SANA)

Israel has expanded its strikes against Hezbollah in Syria by targeting the al-Qusayr region in Homs.

Israel intensified its campaign against Hezbollah in Lebanon in September and has in the process struck legal and illegal borders between Lebanon and Syria that are used to smuggle weapons to the Iran-backed party. Now, it has expanded its operations to areas of Hezbollah influence inside Syria itself.

Qusayr is located around 20 kms from the Lebanese border. Israeli strikes have destroyed several bridges in the area, including one stretching over the Assi River that is a vital connection between Qusayr and several towns in Homs’ eastern and western countrysides.

Israel has also hit main and side roads and Syrian regime checkpoints in the area.

The Israeli army announced that the latest attacks targeted roads that connect the Syrian side of the border to Lebanon and that are used to smuggle weapons to Hezbollah.

Qusayr is strategic position for Hezbollah. The Iran-backed party joined the fight alongside the Syrian regime against opposition factions in the early years of the Syrian conflict, which began in 2011. Hezbollah confirmed its involvement in Syria in 2013.

Hezbollah waged its earliest battles in Syria against the “Free Syrian Army” in Qusayr. After two months of fighting, the party captured the region in mid-June 2013. By then, it was completely destroyed and its population fled to Lebanon.

A source from the Syrian opposition said Hezbollah has turned Qusayr and its countryside to its own “statelet”.

It is now the backbone of its military power and the party has the final say in the area even though regime forces are deployed there, it told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“Qusayr is critical for Hezbollah because of its close proximity to the Lebanese border,” it added.

Several of Qusayr’s residents have since returned to their homes. But the source clarified that only regime loyalists and people whom Hezbollah “approves” of have returned.

The region has become militarized by Hezbollah. It houses training centers for the party and Shiite militias loyal to Iran whose fighters are trained by Hezbollah, continued the source.

Since Israel intensified its attacks against Hezbollah in Lebanon, the party moved the majority of its fighters to Qusayr, where the party also stores large amounts of its weapons, it went on to say.

In 2016, Shiite Hezbollah staged a large military parade at the al-Dabaa airport in Qusayr that was seen as a message to the displaced residents, who are predominantly Sunni, that their return home will be impossible, stressed the source.

Even though the regime has deployed its forces in Qusayr, Hezbollah ultimately holds the greatest sway in the area.

Qusayr is therefore of paramount importance to Hezbollah, which will be in no way willing to cede control of.

Lebanese military expert Brig. Gen Saeed Al-Qazah told Asharq Al-Awsat that Qusayr is a “fundamental logistic position for Hezbollah.”

He explained that it is where the party builds its rockets and drones that are delivered from Iran. It is also where the party builds the launchpads for firing its Katyusha and grad rockets.

Qazah added that Qusayr is also significant for its proximity to Lebanon’s al-Hermel city and northeastern Bekaa region where Hezbollah enjoys popular support and where its arms deliveries pass through on their way to the South.

Qazah noted that Israel has not limited its strikes in Qusayr to bridges and main and side roads, but it has also hit trucks headed to Lebanon, stressing that Israel has its eyes focused deep inside Syria, not just the border.