Memoirs of Late Lebanese Prime Minister Saeb Salam (Part 1): I Expressed my Objection to Hafez al-Assad to Syria’s Political, Military Role in Lebanon

Saeb Salam in Damascus with President Hafez al-Assad and Abdel Halim Khaddam.
Saeb Salam in Damascus with President Hafez al-Assad and Abdel Halim Khaddam.
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Memoirs of Late Lebanese Prime Minister Saeb Salam (Part 1): I Expressed my Objection to Hafez al-Assad to Syria’s Political, Military Role in Lebanon

Saeb Salam in Damascus with President Hafez al-Assad and Abdel Halim Khaddam.
Saeb Salam in Damascus with President Hafez al-Assad and Abdel Halim Khaddam.

Asharq Al-Awsat publishes three episodes of the memoirs of late Lebanese Prime Minister Saeb Salam, covering important stages of the Lebanese crisis, from the entry of Syrian forces into Lebanon in 1976 to the Israeli invasion of the South in 1982.

The memoirs reflect the late premier’s frankness in evaluating the role of Arab and Lebanese leaders and his attempts to bring the views closer, to ensure Islamic-Christian consensus, and to preserve Lebanon’s position as an independent country away from conflicts.

The memoirs are issued in three parts by Hachette Antoine publishing house, and will be available in Lebanon starting June 28 and on the Antoine Online website.

In this episode, Salam presents the circumstances of the election of President Elias Sarkis and the entry of the Syrian forces. He recounts his communication during that period with Syrian President Hafez al-Assad and with Lebanese and Palestinian officials.

He recounted that on May 10, 1976, immediately after the election of Elias Sarkis, a meeting was held at his office, in the presence of MPs Raymond Edde, Emile Rouhana Saqr, Jamil Kebbi, Mohammad Youssef Beydoun, Mikhail Al-Daher, Hussein Al-Husseini, Hassan Al-Rifai and Albert Mansour, who had all boycotted the elections.

“After deliberation, we issued a very calm and brief statement calling for patience; it was noticed that Raymond Edde took the loss in a very good spirit, and seemed less affected than others by what happened,” he said, as translated from the official Arabic version.

Salam continued: “But on the following Monday, we decided to step up a bit, so we gathered and issued a statement warning against the continuation of the conspiracy… This is because people have begun to get fed up with the lack of progress since Sarkis was elected, knowing that the general feeling that prevailed after his election - despite the bitterness and oppression - was hope for a breakthrough.”

He said that at that time, Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat (Abu Ammar) and his comrades in the resistance felt very upset, so they asked for a summit in Aramoun.

“It was decided to send Mr. Musa al-Sadr to Damascus in an attempt to convey to the Syrians our feelings of concern as a result of their military intervention, especially because of what happened in Tripoli,” he stated.

“At the end of the summit meeting, an argument erupted between me and Mufti Sheikh Hassan Khaled… I was very harsh on him, especially since I was in pain at his (and Karami’s) flattering stance towards Syria, and at the time of the argument I withdrew from the meeting. This caused an uproar in the newspapers and in public opinion,” Salam recounted.

The Syrian Army in Lebanon

In his memoirs Salam described the entry of the Syrian forces to Lebanon on the first of June 1976, from the north and the east of the country, under the pretext of protecting the Christians.

“Whatever the case, despite the fact that many Islamic and Palestinian parties were looking at the increasing Syrian intervention in recent months with apprehension, considering it a prelude to a massive military presence, the desperate situation led people to wish that any armies would come to stop the mass massacre and achieve salvation. The question today, after what happened, is whether salvation will be at the hands of the Syrian army, or will things escalate in Lebanon, and then in Syria, as some talk about the existence of an American-international conspiracy that aims to tear Lebanon apart, and then implicate the Syrians to tear Syria apart as well?”

Salam noted that when the entry of the Syrian army became a reality, Kamal Jumblatt and the resistance held many meetings, and issued many violent and escalatory statements with threats of confrontation.

“The difficult days were those that followed the entry of the Syrian forces, as the military and political events succeeded… and the ‘Palestinian resistance’ seemed forced to fight many battles, whether on the front with the Syrians, or with the Phalanges and their allies,” he said.

The assassination of Kamal Jumblatt and its repercussions

Salam recounted that on March 16, 1977, Kamal Jumblatt was assassinated on Mukhtara Road in the Chouf region. He said that the event constituted a great shock throughout the country.

“An immediate angry reaction from the Chouf Druze people claimed the lives of more than one hundred Christians, especially in the village of Mazraat al-Chouf, near Mukhtara,” he said.

He added: “It was clear that the country was on the verge of a great strife, perhaps greater than any other strife it knew, due to Jumblatt’s position in Lebanon, and because of the complexity of Lebanese circumstances…”

The late premier said that in view of the escalating tension, he rushed to cooperate with the Phalange Party (Kataeb), in an attempt to quell the fire of sedition.

“We have succeeded in that to the greatest extent. Especially since Walid Jumblatt, son of the late leader, immediately appeared sane and wise, and decided to bury his father the next day, after the National Movement parties had decided to postpone the burial until Sunday, inflaming the reactions,” he remarked.

The visit of Assad and Sadat

Salam recounted details of his meetings with Assad in 1977: “Before the assassination of Kamal Jumblatt, I was determined to go to Egypt to meet President Anwar Sadat, after the delayed response I was waiting for from Syria regarding a meeting I requested with President Hafez al-Assad… Suddenly, as I was preparing to travel to Egypt, I received a telegram from Mr. Abdel Halim Khaddam stating that President Assad will receive us in the Syrian capital on Saturday, March 19.

“As usual, I was frank with President al-Assad, so I explained to him all my complaints about their actions in Lebanon, militarily and politically. He did not hesitate to tell me that he takes this into consideration... However, I had the feeling that he is now acting on the basis of the new reality, that is, his feeling that he has drowned the Syrian army is in the Lebanese swamp, and that this makes him anxious, and thus hardens his stance further.”

As for his meeting with Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, Salam recounted:
“During the meeting, I felt that Sadat was very optimistic about his upcoming encounter with US President Jimmy Carter. I told him that I, in turn, was optimistic…

Salam said that Sadat told him that they were about to clash militarily with Israel because of its aggression in the Gulf of Suez, and that the battleships and planes were about to collide, but Carter intervened, confirming that the area was and will remain Egyptian.

“Sadat said that he insisted on playing all his cards with the Americans; because he believes that the key to resolving the conflict with Israel is entirely in the hands of America. As for the Soviets, they are only obliged to go along with Washington,” he noted in his memoirs.

“With regard to Lebanon, Anwar Sadat told me, as Lebanese President Elias Sarkis had previously confirmed during my meeting with him a few days ago, that it was the Syrians who assassinated Kamal Jumblatt,” Salam revealed.

He added: “When the meeting ended, and while President Sadat was bidding farewell to me, he warned me again that I might be assassinated, and told me that I should be aware of the Syrians.”

Salam said that the following weeks continued with political maneuvers and instability in the Islamic ranks.

“The ‘Palestinian resistance’ continued to sink into the swamp of the Lebanese situation, in parallel with growing resentment of the citizens... Meanwhile, the Syrian army was strengthening its presence in Lebanon. It was clear that Syria had become the center of gravity in the Lebanese reality. As for Israel, it was interfering from time to time.

“On the Arab level, the situation went in ups and downs... I was getting stricter towards “Abu Ammar” and his group, because I was keen on them as much as I was keen on and Lebanon as a whole, but they did not want to heed my advice.”



Israel’s Notorious Prison: Survivors Speak of ‘Cemetery for the Living’

Palestinian detainees at Israel’s Sde Teiman military base in southern Israel, winter 2023 (AP)
Palestinian detainees at Israel’s Sde Teiman military base in southern Israel, winter 2023 (AP)
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Israel’s Notorious Prison: Survivors Speak of ‘Cemetery for the Living’

Palestinian detainees at Israel’s Sde Teiman military base in southern Israel, winter 2023 (AP)
Palestinian detainees at Israel’s Sde Teiman military base in southern Israel, winter 2023 (AP)

by Bahaa Melhem

After hearing and reading much about the horrors taking place inside Israel’s Sde Teiman detention center, Palestinian journalist Shadi Abu Sidou says nothing could have prepared him for what he witnessed one night in April 2024, when Israeli soldiers “set police dogs on Palestinian detainees to rape them while laughing and filming.”

Abu Sidou, who was held in the military facility located in a base in the Negev Desert, was released as part of a prisoner swap deal in October 2025.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, he said he was arrested in March 2024 while documenting events at Gaza City’s Al-Shifa Medical Complex.

“It was brutal,” he recalled, struggling to speak. “When I was arrested, the soldiers ordered me to take off all my clothes. They tied my hands behind my back and beat me until they broke one of my ribs.” He said he was left naked in the rain and cold for more than 10 hours.

But Abu Sidou was not alone in facing what he described as “torture in a cemetery for the living.”

Testimonies given to Asharq Al-Awsat by two other former detainees revealed harrowing abuse inside Sde Teiman, including beatings, electric shocks, sleep and food deprivation, denial of medical care, and what they described as “brutal sexual assaults.”

Systematic Torture

Sde Teiman came under renewed scrutiny after the arrest of former Israeli Military Advocate General Yifat Tomer-Yerushalmi, accused of leaking a video showing Israeli soldiers physically and sexually assaulting a Palestinian prisoner inside the facility.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the leak might have caused “the worst damage to Israel’s public image since its founding.”

As Israel’s war in Gaza intensified, it detained hundreds of Palestinians under what it calls the “Unlawful Combatants Law,” holding them incommunicado in the secretive desert prison, stripping them of all legal rights and denying access to lawyers and human rights groups.

Israeli and international rights organizations, including B’Tselem, have documented similar complaints of “systematic torture” and “inhuman treatment” inside Sde Teiman.

‘The Disco’: Torture to the Sound of Screams

After long hours of exposure to the cold, Abu Sidou said he was transported in a military truck to Sde Teiman, where a new ordeal began. “They call it the ‘reception’—a corridor lined with about 30 soldiers who beat the prisoners as they enter,” he said. “Some lost their teeth or eyes from the beating.”

After nearly 70 days in detention without charge, Abu Sidou was taken for interrogation. Before entering the room, he was stripped naked and subjected to a full body search, then taken to a place the soldiers called “the disco.”

Inside, he said, were loudspeakers blaring music and screams. “In the ‘disco room,’ prisoners are thrown in for hours without sleep. All you hear is noise, loud music, and the screams of others being tortured.”

He said he was later taken to another room where guards hung him by his wrists from the ceiling and punched his bare body until he passed out.

Back to the Barracks: Nights of Humiliation

After interrogation, Abu Sidou was returned to the overcrowded metal barracks, which he described as unfit for human life. “We were around 140 to 160 prisoners in each barrack, hands tied and eyes covered,” he said.

“Squads of 30 to 40 soldiers would storm in with dogs, ordering us to lie on our stomachs. The dogs walked on our backs, urinated on us, scratched and bit us.”

One April night, he said, the situation descended into “complete human collapse.” When one prisoner had a nervous breakdown and shouted, “I want to see my children,” the guards unleashed the dogs and “took him out, stripped him, and let the dog do the unspeakable.”

“We could see through our blindfolds, the soldiers laughing and filming with their phones as the prisoner screamed,” Abu Sidou said. “We all started shouting. We thought we were next.”

At the end of his testimony, Abu Sidou described Sde Teiman as “a graveyard for the living.” “We were losing our minds from fear. We couldn’t tell day from night, and the only faces we saw were those hitting and humiliating us,” he said. “I wished for death, just to escape the pain.”

He added that prisoners lived in total isolation from the world, allowed only two minutes to use the toilet in 24 hours, while medical care was used “as another form of humiliation.”

Abu Foul: Detained on One Leg, Released Without Sight

Another chilling account came from Mahmoud Abu Foul, a young man from northern Gaza who was arrested at Kamal Adwan Hospital while receiving treatment after his leg had been amputated. His time in Israeli detention, he said, ended with the total loss of his eyesight.

In late December 2023, Israeli forces stormed the hospital. “They tied my hands and covered my eyes, then beat me mercilessly until I bled,” Abu Foul told Asharq Al-Awsat. “I was already wounded and missing a leg. I could only walk with a crutch, but they took it away and cuffed my hands behind my back.”

After hours of beating and insults, he was transferred to Sde Teiman, where he spent months. “For the first seven days, my hands were tied behind me and my eyes were covered all the time,” he said. “There were about 140 prisoners in each barrack, the food was scarce, and the beatings and humiliation never stopped.”

One day, soldiers struck him repeatedly on the head for nearly two hours. “When I woke up, I realized I couldn’t see anything,” he said. “I told the others I couldn’t see, that everything was dark. I started crying in panic, and since then I haven’t been able to open my eyes.”

Abu Foul said he pleaded for medical help, but his calls went unanswered. “I begged for medicine, but they yelled at me and mocked me. I was left alone to suffer in darkness.” After losing his sight, he said, “I lived the rest of my imprisonment through sound—the screams of other prisoners, the cries for help, and the soldiers’ insults.”

Freedom Tainted by Loss

Months later, Abu Foul’s name appeared on the list of prisoners released in the latest swap deal. He recalled the moment of his freedom: “I returned to Gaza blind, thinking my family was gone,” he said.

“Then, among the crowd, I heard my mother’s voice and realized my family was around me. I thank God I am still with them. I just wish I could have seen my mother’s face, even once.”

According to the Palestinian Prisoners Affairs Commission, more than 10,000 Palestinians are currently held in Israeli prisons, including over 1,800 detainees from Gaza classified by Israel as “unlawful combatants.”

Palestinian officials say that more than 80 prisoners have died in Israeli custody since October 7, 2023, more than half of them from Gaza.

A spokesperson for the Palestinian Prisoners Club told Asharq Al-Awsat that Israel “has carried out a continuous series of fully documented crimes against male and female prisoners over the past two years.”

He added that Israeli authorities “committed another form of genocide inside detention centers through systematic torture and sexual assaults, particularly against detainees from Gaza in Sde Teiman, where even police dogs were used as instruments of rape.”

Palestinian and Israeli rights groups say prisoners held in Israeli jails and camps, particularly in Sde Teiman, face systematic torture, starvation, and medical neglect, which have led to the deaths of several detainees.

No official figures exist on how many prisoners have been held or remain inside the facility.


Mamdani Victory Fires up Europe’s Left Against Right-Wing Surge at Home

Mayor-Elect Zohran Mamdani speaks during a press conference at the Unisphere on November 05, 2025 in the Queens borough of New York City. (Getty Images via AFP)
Mayor-Elect Zohran Mamdani speaks during a press conference at the Unisphere on November 05, 2025 in the Queens borough of New York City. (Getty Images via AFP)
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Mamdani Victory Fires up Europe’s Left Against Right-Wing Surge at Home

Mayor-Elect Zohran Mamdani speaks during a press conference at the Unisphere on November 05, 2025 in the Queens borough of New York City. (Getty Images via AFP)
Mayor-Elect Zohran Mamdani speaks during a press conference at the Unisphere on November 05, 2025 in the Queens borough of New York City. (Getty Images via AFP)

The blistering rise of Zohran Mamdani to become mayor of New York City has offered encouragement to left-wing parties across Europe that an unabashedly radical agenda could help turn the tide against right-wing forces at home.

Parties from London to Berlin cheered Mamdani, a 34-year-old self-described democratic socialist whose viral videos and promise of rent controls and taxing the rich in a city seen as a beacon of global capitalism struck a chord with voters.

Parties like Germany's The Left party and Britain's Greens hope to garner momentum from Mamdani's win, signaling they would not dilute their policies or be sucked into the right-wing battleground of migration. It could also give food for thought to established left-wing parties like Britain's ruling Labour party, which has tanked in the polls since its landslide election victory last year, and Germany's Social Democrats (SPD).

Zack Polanski, who this year became the first Jewish leader of the Green Party of England and Wales, has drawn comparisons to Mamdani for his use of social media and calls for a wealth tax to reduce inequality.

An ecstatic Polanski told Reuters that Mamdani's victory shows "hope has triumphed over hate".

"This is important - not just because it's important for New York but actually I think this resonates throughout the world. But this is about improving people's lives, recognizing the inequality that lies both at the heart of New York, but frankly, around much of the world."

"And this is about saying: let's lower people's bills and tax multimillionaires and billionaires," said Polanski, whose party has risen in the polls after winning just four seats in 2024.

Cost of living is a major focus in Britain where food price inflation for example hit 19% in March 2023, the highest in 45 years, and finance minister Rachel Reeves has signaled "hard choices" and possible tax rises to come.

LEFT WANTS TO BUILD MOMENTUM

In a polarized political landscape, Germany's Left party was a surprise package in federal elections in February and hopes to build on its strong showing next year in local elections, including in the capital Berlin. Like other European leftists, its members visited New York during the campaign.

"The problems people in New York face are very similar to those we hear about at people’s doorsteps here in Germany. Rents are unaffordable, and prices for food, electricity, heating, and public transport are rising faster than wages," Jan van Aken, head of Germany's Left party, told Reuters.

"We are in close contact with Zohran Mamdani and his team and are learning from each other. His campaign is like a blueprint for next year's elections in Berlin," he said in an email. "Zohran Mamdani's victory gives us momentum."

Set to become New York's first Muslim mayor and the youngest since 1892, Mamdani's social media posts resonated on both sides of the Atlantic with voters hit by rising inflation and stretched public services since the pandemic.

"I'm freezing ... your rent," Mamdani told New Yorkers after plunging into icy waters off Coney Island in January in suit and tie.

Germany's Left is also pushing rent controls and free or heavily subsidized transport, and uses blunt messaging. "We're taking on the rich. Nobody else is doing that," said one of its campaign posters.

Leftists in France, which is gearing up for presidential elections by 2027, were also inspired.

"Finally, a lesson for the left everywhere: it is not by watering down economic liberalism that we win, but by fighting it tooth and nail," Manon Aubry, from the far-left France Unbowed party (LFI), wrote on X.

COST OF LIVING FOCUS

Asked what lessons left-wing parties should draw from Mamdani's victory, Polanski said the cost of living mattered above all else and that progressive parties must offer real solutions to it.

More established mainstream parties have also taken heart from Mamdani's victory.

"For us in the SPD, this means we must refocus more strongly on what is at the heart of our work – social policies for the majority of society," SPD lawmaker Rasha Nasr told Reuters. The SPD, while still in power, scored its worst result since World War Two at the last election.

"In the last federal election campaign, we too often tried to engage in debates that were, by that point, hardly winnable on a factual basis, for example, regarding migration policy."

Philipp Koeker, political scientist at the University of Hanover, said it showed parties who want to win elections "or do not want to lose voters to the populist far right – should stick to their own core issues and present their own solutions to current problems rather than imitate the far right by adopting anti-immigration policies."

Having won on a radical agenda, Mamdani will face challenges putting his pledges into action. US President Donald Trump has threatened to cut funding to New York City. Some, including on Wall Street, hope and expect Mamdani will be unable to force through drastic change.

"Now comes the hard part," said James Schneider, former director of strategic communications for Labour under Jeremy Corbyn.

"Turning that electoral majority into real power — improving lives from City Hall while transforming his 100,000-strong volunteer army into community organizers in every neighborhood of the city."


'Hostage Diplomacy': Longstanding Iran Tactic Presenting Dilemma for West

People walk past an anti-US billboard on a street in Tehran, Iran, November 5, 2025. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters
People walk past an anti-US billboard on a street in Tehran, Iran, November 5, 2025. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters
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'Hostage Diplomacy': Longstanding Iran Tactic Presenting Dilemma for West

People walk past an anti-US billboard on a street in Tehran, Iran, November 5, 2025. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters
People walk past an anti-US billboard on a street in Tehran, Iran, November 5, 2025. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via Reuters

Iran since the revolution has employed the tactic of arresting Westerners in a bid to extract concessions from its foes, in a strategy of "hostage diplomacy" that has long presented Europe and the United States with a dilemma, observers say.

Iranian authorities this week released two French nationals, Cecile Kohler and Jacques Paris, from jail in Tehran after more than three years.

They had been convicted on charges of espionage, but their families said they were innocent tourists unwittingly caught up in a wider game being played out between Tehran and the West.

France described the pair, as well as several other French nationals detained in Iran who were recently released, as "state hostages". Over the last years, dozens of Europeans and Americans have been detained in similar circumstances.

The strategy has long antecedents, going back to the seizure of the US embassy in Tehran in November 1979 by radicals in the wake of the revolution, which saw dozens of Americans held for 444 days into early 1981.

"Iran has pursued hostage diplomacy since the founding of the Islamic Republic in 1979," said Jason Brodsky, policy director of US-based think tank United Against Nuclear Iran.

"It uses hostages as pawns to extract concessions that it could not otherwise achieve from the United States and its allies," he added.

Tehran denies it has any strategy of hostage taking and all foreigners jailed are convicted after due legal process.

Such concessions include unfreezing assets or the release of Iranian nationals convicted in the United States, Europe and elsewhere on charges such as sanctions violations, assassination plots, or terrorism, he said.

"What the Iranian regime is practicing is state-sponsored hostage taking, also known as hostage diplomacy," added Daren Nair, a security consultant who has for years campaigned for detainees' releases worldwide.

For Clement Therme, an academic at France's Universite de Montpellier Paul-Valery, who closely follows the issue, the policy is "a pillar of Iranian foreign policy".

"Over time, there are arrests and releases, during periods of rapprochement and tension. But it's the intensity that varies, and the practice continues."

The release of Kohler and Paris, who have yet to be allowed to return to France, came after France freed on bail Iranian woman Mahdieh Esfandiari, detained in Paris on charges of spreading terror propaganda.

Tehran had explicitly linked the two cases, although the French foreign ministry has declined to comment on any deal.

The release of Western nationals detained in similar circumstances over the last years was often timed with Tehran receiving something in return after painstaking and ultra-secret diplomacy.

The cases of several British citizens, including dual national Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe, were linked to a payment owed by the UK to Iran for tanks ordered by the ousted shah that were never delivered. That debt was eventually settled and Zaghari-Ratcliffe and two other Britons were released in 2022.

In 2023, five Americans held in Iran, including the US-Iranian businessman Siamak Namazi who had been imprisoned for eight years, were released in a scheme that saw $6 billion of Iranian assets unfrozen in South Korea.

The release of British-Australian academic Kylie Moore-Gilbert by Iran in 2020 came after Thailand freed three Iranian men jailed over a 2012 bomb plot.

But despite the recent releases, others remain held by Tehran, including Swedish-Iranian academic Ahmadreza Djalali, sentenced to death in 2017 on espionage charges his family vehemently rejects.

British couple Lindsay and Craig Foreman have been held in Iran since January on espionage charges after Iranian authorities seized the pair while they were on a round-the-world motorbike trip.

Brodsky said Europe and the United States should consider imposing a wholesale ban on travel to Iran by their nationals. But he acknowledged too that Washington and its allies had treated "this problem in a piecemeal manner" for too long.

"The US government should be working collectively with its allies to impose a range of multinational penalties on Iran the moment any hostage from these countries is taken by the Iranian regime -- this includes sanctions and diplomatic isolation," he said.