Arab League Says Ready to Facilitate Dialogue between Lebanese Rivals

08 August 2020, Lebanon, Baabda: Ahmed Aboul Gheit, Secretary General of the Arab League, speaks at a press conference after his meeting with Lebanese President Michel Aoun at the Presidential Palace. (Dalati & Nohra)
08 August 2020, Lebanon, Baabda: Ahmed Aboul Gheit, Secretary General of the Arab League, speaks at a press conference after his meeting with Lebanese President Michel Aoun at the Presidential Palace. (Dalati & Nohra)
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Arab League Says Ready to Facilitate Dialogue between Lebanese Rivals

08 August 2020, Lebanon, Baabda: Ahmed Aboul Gheit, Secretary General of the Arab League, speaks at a press conference after his meeting with Lebanese President Michel Aoun at the Presidential Palace. (Dalati & Nohra)
08 August 2020, Lebanon, Baabda: Ahmed Aboul Gheit, Secretary General of the Arab League, speaks at a press conference after his meeting with Lebanese President Michel Aoun at the Presidential Palace. (Dalati & Nohra)

Arab League Secretary General Ahmed Aboul Gheit stressed on Thursday that kicking off economic revival in Lebanon hinges on resolving the political deadlock in the country.

The Arab League is prepared to facilitate dialogue between the Lebanese parties to that end, he told an economic forum in Beirut.

The lack of dialogue and clinging on to unyielding stances to bide time is not a viable strategy to address the current impasse, he warned.

Reforms are needed to help Lebanon end its crisis. "Reforms are no longer a choice, but a pressing need that can no longer be postponed," added Aboul Gheit.

He noted the deteriorating global food and energy crises that have compounded the situation in Lebanon.

They should be incentives to carry out reforms immediately, he remarked.

Reforms must cover the financial and banking systems and the restructuring of the public debt. This will in turn restore trust in the banking system and protect the rights of depositors and stop the collapse of the Lebanese pound, he added.

He called for completing negotiations with the International Monetary Fund to reach a final agreement that would help put Lebanon on the path of economic recovery and pave the way for greater international aid.

This will help restore the trust of regional and international investors and backers, said Aboul Gheit.

Moreover, he warned that the economic and social situation in Lebanon cannot tolerate a prolonged vacuum in the presidency.

Lebanon had witnessed prolonged vacuum before, but the economic situation was different then, he noted.

Lebanese politicians dealt with the vacuum with consensus and the adoption of innovative politics. However, the current crisis is unprecedented and cannot go on indefinitely, he remarked.

A new president must be elected as soon as possible. The president must represent all Lebanese people, of all political and partisan affiliations, and must help unite the country and restore trust in it, he urged.

He called on Lebanese political leaders to realize the severity of the situation that is compounded by instability around the world.

Global crises must prompt parties to overcome and contain all division and prioritize Lebanon’s interest above all else, he stressed.

Speaking at the same forum, caretaker Prime Minister Najib Mikati said sweeping reforms remain vital to rescue the stricken economy, despite a return to modest growth this year.

Mikati said the economy had grown by nearly two percent in 2022 after two straight years of severe recession that saw Gross Domestic Product fall by 25.9 percent in 2020 and by 10.5 percent in 2021, according to World Bank figures.

He said increased revenues from tourism and a rise in remittances from Lebanese living abroad were factors behind the modest growth.

He said the country was now "at a crossroads -- it will either mark the start of the economic revival we have been hoping for, or a dark decline."

Mikati has led a caretaker government since a May general election failed to deliver a majority to either of Lebanon's rival power blocs.

The political deadlock has deepened since end of October, when former president Michel Aoun's mandate ended without agreement on a successor.

As caretaker leader, Mikati has limited powers and cannot deliver the sweeping reforms demanded by international lenders in exchange for releasing billions of dollars in bailout loans.

"If a new president is elected swiftly and a new government formed that commits itself to real reforms... the country will begin to recover", Mikati told a business forum.

"If not, God forbid, the economic stagnation will only get worse," he said.



Netanyahu’s Messages: Beyond Türkiye, Closer to Tel Aviv

Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 
Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 
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Netanyahu’s Messages: Beyond Türkiye, Closer to Tel Aviv

Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 
Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 

Following a series of intensified Israeli airstrikes on Damascus and the airports in Homs and Hama, as well as a ground incursion into the city of Nawa near Daraa, Israeli officials on Thursday escalated their rhetoric, issuing fresh threats to the Syrian leadership and warning of further military action—this time citing concerns over Turkish military activity in the region.

Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar voiced particular alarm over Türkiye’s growing role in Syria, Lebanon, and beyond. Speaking at a press conference in Paris, he said: “They are doing everything they can to turn Syria into a Turkish protectorate. That is clearly their intention.”

Defense Minister Israel Katz echoed this sentiment, stating that Israel “will not allow Damascus to become a security threat” to Israel.

Rising Concern Over Türkiye’s Military Footprint in Syria

Military officials in Tel Aviv confirm that Israel sees Türkiye’s growing military presence in Syria as a serious concern. Their fear stems from two key issues: first, Ankara’s reported efforts to rebuild the Syrian army along the lines of its own modernized military model; and second, its apparent goal of establishing a long-term military foothold inside Syrian territory.

Israeli defense sources point out that Türkiye’s armed forces operate based on a traditional ground warfare doctrine, featuring large-scale armored divisions and well-equipped infantry units—similar in style to the Russian military. This stands in contrast to the Israeli military, which relies heavily on air superiority and has long underinvested in ground forces.

Given this disparity, any significant Turkish deployment in Syria could pose a direct challenge to Israeli operations and raise the risk of confrontation.

While the recent Israeli airstrikes targeted mostly long-defunct Syrian military sites—many of which have been hit repeatedly over the years—the attacks signal a broader strategic shift.

In the wake of the October 7, 2023, Hamas-led assault on southern Israel, the Israeli military has moved away from a defensive posture of deterrence and containment. In its place, the army has embraced a more aggressive doctrine built around preemptive action.

This shift was further underscored by the appointment of a new chief of staff from the Armored Corps—the first in three decades—signaling a renewed emphasis on ground operations and offensive initiatives.

Not Just a Message to Türkiye

Despite the messaging around Türkiye’s presence, analysts say the recent wave of Israeli military action also serves broader geopolitical aims.

After failing to persuade Washington to pressure Ankara to scale back its involvement in Syria, Israel now appears determined to assert its own red lines militarily. The airstrike on the Scientific Studies and Research Center in Damascus—a facility already destroyed multiple times since 2018—was widely viewed as symbolic.

Israeli officials say the intended audience for that particular strike was Syrian interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa, whom Israeli intelligence continues to refer to by his former nom de guerre, Abu Mohammad al-Jolani. By launching the attack during the Eid al-Fitr holiday, Israel aimed to send a clear message: there will be no return to normalcy in Syria without accounting for Israeli interests.

Among those interests is normalization. Last month, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reiterated his desire to see Syria and Lebanon join the Abraham Accords and establish formal diplomatic ties with Israel.

Hardline figures within Netanyahu’s coalition believe Israel currently holds a strategic upper hand. As right-wing think tank head Meir Ben-Shabbat recently wrote: “Israel is in its strongest position ever. It is transforming the Middle East, expanding its military capabilities, and pushing back the Iranian axis—while Syria is at its weakest.”

For many in Israel’s ruling right, this is an ideal moment to push for a peace agreement with Syria, possibly even one involving Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Golan Heights.

The Real Audience: Domestic Israel

Still, perhaps the most significant message behind the military campaign is directed not at Ankara, Damascus, or even Tehran—but at Tel Aviv.

As protests against Netanyahu’s leadership have grown louder in recent months, military escalation has served as a convenient political shield. The wars in Gaza, the West Bank, Syria, and Lebanon dominate public attention and have largely sidelined anti-government demonstrations.

“Netanyahu’s government must go, but we won’t take to the streets while our sons are fighting,” has become a common refrain among many Israelis who oppose his leadership but remain reluctant to protest during wartime.

By maintaining a state of conflict, Netanyahu is not only securing his coalition’s survival but also enabling his allies to advance a hardline agenda—particularly on the Palestinian issue—that would have faced greater resistance in peacetime.

Critics warn that this strategy, while politically expedient, comes at a steep cost to Israel’s democratic institutions, its judiciary, and the long-term stability of the region.