Lebanese Elite Bury Blast Probe, Pushing Fragile State Closer to Edge

A woman holds pictures of the victims of the deadly 2020 Beirut port explosion next to a Lebanese National flag that the red colors were changed to black as a symbol to mourning during a protest in front of the Justice Palace, in Beirut, Lebanon, Thursday, Jan. 26, 2023. (AP)
A woman holds pictures of the victims of the deadly 2020 Beirut port explosion next to a Lebanese National flag that the red colors were changed to black as a symbol to mourning during a protest in front of the Justice Palace, in Beirut, Lebanon, Thursday, Jan. 26, 2023. (AP)
TT

Lebanese Elite Bury Blast Probe, Pushing Fragile State Closer to Edge

A woman holds pictures of the victims of the deadly 2020 Beirut port explosion next to a Lebanese National flag that the red colors were changed to black as a symbol to mourning during a protest in front of the Justice Palace, in Beirut, Lebanon, Thursday, Jan. 26, 2023. (AP)
A woman holds pictures of the victims of the deadly 2020 Beirut port explosion next to a Lebanese National flag that the red colors were changed to black as a symbol to mourning during a protest in front of the Justice Palace, in Beirut, Lebanon, Thursday, Jan. 26, 2023. (AP)

In their move to bury an investigation into the Beirut port blast, Lebanon's ruling elite have driven another nail in the coffin of the collapsing state, stirring conflict in the judiciary as they try to avoid accountability at any cost.

Long-simmering tensions over the investigation have boiled over since Judge Tarek Bitar brought charges against some of the most influential people in the land, defying political pressure as he resumed his inquiry.

With friends and allies of Lebanon's most powerful factions, including Hezbollah, among those charged, the establishment struck back swiftly on Wednesday, when the prosecutor general charged Bitar with usurping powers.

Critics called it "a coup" against his investigation.

It leaves little hope of justice ever being served over the explosion that killed 220 people and devastated swathes of Beirut, raising concern the case will go the way of countless others in a country where impunity has long been the norm.

With deep fissures in the judiciary exposed, the tussle adds to the unravelling of a state accelerated by a three-year-long financial crisis, left to fester by the ruling elite.

"This is the destruction of the judiciary," said Nabil Boumonsef, deputy editor-in-chief of Annahar newspaper.

"I fear they are dismantling the country. There is nothing left called a state. We face anarchy and the law of the jungle."

Lebanon has been rocked by one crisis after another since its financial system caved in, marking the start of its most destabilizing phase since the 1975-90 civil war.

A currency collapse of more than 97% since 2019 has picked up speed in recent days, impoverishing ever more people.

Some 2.3 million people - 42% of the population - will face acute food insecurity in the first quarter of this year, according to a UN-backed study.

Foreign aid has become ever more critical to keeping people fed and the security forces on the streets: the United States and Qatar are helping pay soldiers' salaries.

Ruling politicians have meanwhile done little to nothing to address the crisis, putting vested interests ahead of reform.

Establishment shields itself

On the political front, factional rivalries, many of which date to the civil war, have spawned an unprecedented government crisis laced with sectarianism.

The presidency, reserved for a Maronite Christian, has been vacant for months. Maronite leaders, warning against any move to bypass their sect, have objected to meetings of the caretaker cabinet.

Against this backdrop, European prosecutors are digging ever deeper into allegations that central bank governor Riad Salameh - a financial linchpin for Lebanon's rulers with deep political ties - embezzled hundreds of millions of dollars during his 30-year-long tenure. Salameh denies any wrongdoing.

Attempts by a Lebanese judge to investigate Salameh have hit obstacles in Lebanon, where politicians have big sway over the judiciary.

The difficulties echo the problems faced by Bitar, appointed to investigate the blast two years ago. His predecessor was ousted after complaints against him by officials he had charged.

"There is a systemic attempt by the establishment to protect its members from the port explosion, from the financial implosions, and from all ... they have actually been responsible for," Policy Initiative Director Sami Atallah said.

The blast was caused by hundreds of tons of improperly stored chemicals of which the president and prime minister at the time were aware, among other officials.

All those charged deny wrongdoing.

Bitar's inquiry was frozen when judges retired from a court that must rule on complaints filed against him by officials he had charged, including top members of Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri's Amal Movement.

The Berri-backed finance minister held off signing a decree appointing new judges, prompting fears of an indefinite limbo.

Resuming his work on Monday, Bitar charged more officials including Prosecutor General Ghassan Oweidat and Major General Abbas Ibrahim.

Oweidat had earlier recused himself from any involvement in the case as his brother-in-law, an Amal member and former minister, was among those charged.

This week Oweidat hit back at Bitar, including by ordering the release of people detained since the port explosion.

"This is like a coup - a person charged by a judge decided to defend himself by pushing aside the judge who charged him and releasing all the detainees," said Nizar Saghieh of the Legal Agenda civic group.

Sectarian tensions

Doubting local authorities will bring anyone to account over the explosion, some Lebanese called for an international inquiry from the start.

It would not be the first: a UN-backed tribunal set up after the 2005 Rafik al-Hariri assassination ultimately convicted a Hezbollah member of conspiracy to kill him.

The Iran-backed Hezbollah, which always denied any role, condemned the tribunal as a tool of its enemies.

In opposing Bitar, Hezbollah has accused the United States of meddling in the investigation and Bitar of political bias.

Washington denies interfering.

Hezbollah believes Bitar's decision to resume the inquiry stemmed from his recent meeting with French judges investigating the blast, which killed two French citizens, according to a source familiar with Hezbollah's view.

Bitar could not be reached for comment.

In 2021, a Hezbollah official sent a message to Bitar vowing to "uproot" him, and its supporters marched in an anti-Bitar rally that prompted deadly violence along an old civil war front line between Christian and Shiite neighborhoods.

Mohanad Hage Ali of the Carnegie Middle East Center think tank said derailing the inquiry could worsen sectarian tensions.

With the presidency empty, sectarian rhetoric sharpening, the currency tumbling, and people taking security into their own hands in some areas, Hage Ali said "the ingredients are there" for any street clashes to be worse than in 2021.

"If there is a demonstration of the families of the victims, and their supporters, leading to clashes, casualties or arrests, that could definitely well be the breaking point towards wider unrest."



Who’s in the Frame to Be Lebanon’s Next President?

The Lebanese Parliament building a day before a session to elect the Lebanese president, in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 January 2025. (EPA)
The Lebanese Parliament building a day before a session to elect the Lebanese president, in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 January 2025. (EPA)
TT

Who’s in the Frame to Be Lebanon’s Next President?

The Lebanese Parliament building a day before a session to elect the Lebanese president, in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 January 2025. (EPA)
The Lebanese Parliament building a day before a session to elect the Lebanese president, in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 January 2025. (EPA)

Lebanon's parliament will attempt to elect a new head of state on Thursday, with officials seeing better odds of success in a political landscape shaken by Israel's assault on Hezbollah and the toppling of the group's ally Bashar al-Assad in Syria.

The post, reserved for a Maronite Christian in the sectarian power-sharing system, has been vacant since Michel Aoun's term ended in October 2022.

While there are always many Maronite hopefuls, including the leaders of the two largest Christian parties - Samir Geagea and Gebran Bassil - sources say the focus is currently on the following three names:

JOSEPH AOUN

General Joseph Aoun, 60, has been commander of the US-backed Lebanese army since 2017, leading the military through a devastating financial crisis that paralyzed much of the Lebanese state after the banking system collapsed in 2019.

On Aoun's watch, US aid continued to flow to the army, part of a US policy focused on supporting state institutions to curb the influence of the heavily armed, Iran-backed Hezbollah, which Washington deems a terrorist group.

Shortly after his appointment, the army waged an offensive to clear ISIS militants from an enclave at the Syrian border, drawing praise from the US ambassador at the time who said the military had done an "excellent job".

His training has included two infantry officer courses in the United States.

Lebanese politicians have said Aoun's candidacy enjoys US approval. A State Department spokesperson said it was "up to Lebanon to choose its next president, not the United States or any external actor".

Hezbollah official Wafiq Safa has said last week there was "no veto" on Aoun. But sources familiar with Hezbollah thinking say it will not support Aoun.

His candidacy has also been opposed by Lebanon's two largest Christian parties - the Lebanese Forces and the Free Patriotic Movement.

Three other former army chiefs - Emile Lahoud, Michel Suleiman and Michel Aoun - have served as president.

Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri - a Hezbollah ally - has said the constitution would need to be amended in order for Aoun to take the post. It currently forbids a serving state official from becoming head of state.

JIHAD AZOUR

Azour, 58, served as finance minister in the Western-backed government of former Prime Minister Fouad Siniora between 2005 and 2008, a period of intense political conflict in Lebanon pitting factions backed by Iran and Syria against others supported by the West.

Since 2017, he has served as Director of the Middle East and Central Asia Department at the International Monetary Fund (IMF). He holds a PhD in International Finance and a post-graduate degree in International Economics and Finance, both from the Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris.

He first emerged as a presidential candidate in 2023, when factions including both of the Lebanese Forces and the Free Patriotic Movement voted for him. He received 59 votes.

Hezbollah and its closest allies voted for Suleiman Franjieh in that session - the last time parliament attempted to elect a head of state. Franjieh secured 51 votes.

Hezbollah at the time described Azour as a confrontational candidate - a reference to his role in the Siniora cabinet.

Azour said at the time that his candidacy was not intended as a challenge to anyone, but rather "a call for unity, for breaking down alignments and for a search for common ground in order to get out of the crisis".

ELIAS AL-BAYSARI

Major-General Elias Baysari, 60, has been interim head of the General Security directorate since the term of his predecessor, Major General Abbas Ibrahim, ended in 2023 with no consensus among Lebanese factions on who should replace him.

The security agency Baysari runs is Lebanon's most powerful internal security force, running Lebanon's border crossings and domestic intelligence operations.

He was a little-known figure in Lebanese public life until his promotion to the head of General Security.

He holds a PhD in law from the Lebanese University.