Sudan to Discuss Military, Security Reform

Protests in Khartoum demanding the army's departure from power on Mar. 14 (File photo: AFP)
Protests in Khartoum demanding the army's departure from power on Mar. 14 (File photo: AFP)
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Sudan to Discuss Military, Security Reform

Protests in Khartoum demanding the army's departure from power on Mar. 14 (File photo: AFP)
Protests in Khartoum demanding the army's departure from power on Mar. 14 (File photo: AFP)

The security and military reform workshops will start in Khartoum on Sunday to discuss the final phase of the ongoing political process in Sudan since the signing of the "framework agreement" last December.

The workshop's recommendations will be included in the final political agreement drafted by the joint military and civilian committee.

The workshop, which will continue until next Wednesday, is scheduled to come up with a road map whose recommendations contribute to reform issues and arrangements in the security and regular sectors.

The workshop would involve the political forces that signed the framework agreement, regular parties, armed movements, and specialists coordinating with the Tripartite Mechanism.

The Tripartite Mechanism consists of the UN Integrated Transition Assistance Mission in Sudan (UNITAMS), the African Union (AU), and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), which facilitates the dialogue process between the Sudanese parties.

Earlier, army leaders agreed with the civil forces on the foundations and principles discussed during the security and military reform.

The workshop discusses the integration of the Rapid Support Forces into the army according to stages and timetables to be agreed upon and the integration of armed factions following the security arrangements stipulated in the Juba Peace Agreement.

The Sudanese parties that signed the political framework agreed to form a technical committee between the army and the Rapids Support Forces to discuss technical issues and proposed perceptions regarding the integration of forces.

Meanwhile, the committee for drafting the final agreement continued Saturday its meetings in the presidential palace in Khartoum in preparation for submitting the draft final agreement to the parties to the military and civil political process for discussion and legalization.

During its previous meetings, the committee reached a draft, which includes the content and chapters of the agreement, with an expansion of its explanation and adding a preamble and a chapter to the final provisions.

The leaders of the army and the civilian forces that signed the political Framework Agreement agreed to accelerate the political process and steps to solve the crisis in the country.

The parties agreed that the primary references for drafting the final political agreement would be the Framework Agreement, the draft political declaration, the recommendations of the political process workshops and conferences, and the draft transitional constitution for the Bar Association.

The final political agreement would be signed next April, and the draft transitional constitution would be signed on Apr. 6, provided the political forces begin forming civil power structures on Apr. 11.

Last December, the army commander, Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and his deputy, the commander of the Rapid Support Forces, Lt. Gen. Mohammed Hamdan Dagalo, signed the framework agreement with the civil forces under international and regional auspices.

The agreement stipulated that the army should permanently withdraw from power, paving the way for the political forces to form a civilian-led government.

The position of the civilian prime minister raises controversy among the Sudanese, with the deadline approaching for the formation of the transitional civilian government.

The opposition Freedom and Change coalition, which signed the framework agreement with the military, said it agreed on the criteria and mechanisms but has not yet begun to nominate candidates for the position.

The coalition is expected to name its candidate for prime minister and head of the Sovereign Council soon.



Houthi Network Recruits Hundreds of Yemenis to Fight in Ukraine

Honoring a Yemeni fighter in the ranks of the Russian forces (local media)
Honoring a Yemeni fighter in the ranks of the Russian forces (local media)
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Houthi Network Recruits Hundreds of Yemenis to Fight in Ukraine

Honoring a Yemeni fighter in the ranks of the Russian forces (local media)
Honoring a Yemeni fighter in the ranks of the Russian forces (local media)

In a nearly one-minute video, a young Yemeni man tells how he and his colleagues traveled to Russia on the promise of lucrative employment in fields such as “security” and “engineering”, but ended up fighting for Russia in Ukraine.
The young man, whose face was covered, expressed with his colleagues their desire to return to Yemen. They said they did not wish to suffer the same fate as their friends and get killed.
Last Sunday, The Financial Times said in a report that Russia’s armed forces have recruited hundreds of Yemeni men to fight in Ukraine, brought by a shadowy trafficking operation that highlights the growing links between Moscow and the Houthi militant group.
Later in video recordings, young Yemeni men spoke about the practice of Houthi smugglers who take advantage of the difficult economic conditions of Yemenis to recruit hundreds of them, and send them to fight alongside Russian troops.
The network of traffickers operate from Yemen and other Arab countries, and coordinate with others within Russian territory.
The Houthi network recruited hundreds of Yemenis and sent them to fight in Russia, according to sources close to their families and others in the Yemeni government.
In one of the videos, a group of Yemeni recruits said they worked in Oman, when a medical equipment company founded by a Houthi politician, Abdulwali Abdo Hassan al-Jabri, lured them by promises of lucrative employment in fields such as “security” and “engineering” in Russia.
They said they were promised a salary of $2,500 per month. But arriving in Moscow, they were received by a representative from the Russian Defense Ministry who told them they will work as security guards at Russian facilities.
Two days after their arrival, the recruits were sent to camps, where they trained for combat and received a salary of between $185 and $232 a month. They are now calling on the Yemeni government to intervene to return them to their country.
But another Yemeni, Ahmed, who is familiar with a group of recruits, explains that he and his friends had warned these young men not to go to Russia where they risk getting involved in the ongoing war.
The recruits told him that they could escape to Europe and seek asylum as hundreds of Yemenis did before.
However, after arriving with the help of a Houthi-linked medical company, many have apparently been coerced into the Russian military, forced to sign fighting contracts at gunpoint and sent to the front lines in Ukraine.
A member of the Yemeni community in Russia told Asharq Al-Awsat that smugglers are luring Yemeni young men to go to Russia to work for salaries of up to $2,500 per month and are then transferred to Arab capitals, including Muscat, Beirut and Damascus, to be then transferred to Russian territory.
After their arrival, he said, the recruits are taken to weapons training camps, allegedly as employees of a security company. But they are later sent to fight on the front lines with Ukraine along with mercenaries from other nationalities.
Activists and members of the Yemeni community in Russia estimate that there are about 300 young Yemenis who refuse to join the fighting in Ukraine and want to return to their country.
“Those men were tempted by the dire economic conditions in Yemen due to the ongoing war,” the activists said.
A Yemeni recruit of the shadowy trafficking operation said that Abdulwali Abdo Hassan al-Jabri, a prominent Houthi politician, is one of the main recruiters. He is assisted by his brother Abdul Waheed, who was appointed by the group as director of Al-Masrakh districts in Taiz Province.
The recruit said that the group of traffickers includes Hani al-Zarriqi, who has been living in Russia for years, and Mohammed al-Iyani, who lives in a Yemeni neighboring country.
Two relatives of the recruits accuse al-Jabri and his aides of arranging the transfer of the young men from Yemen to a neighboring country, and from there to Moscow, on the pretext of working for private security companies. The traffickers receive a commission of between $10 and $15 thousand per person.