Challenger in Türkiye Presidential Race Offers Sharp Contrast

In this handout photograph taken and released by the Republican People's Party press office, Türkiye's Republican People's Party (CHP) Chairman and Presidential candidate Kemal Kilicdaroglu (R) and his wife Selvi Kilicdaroglu pose during a rally in Izmir, Türkiye, on April 30, 2023. (Handout / Republican People's Party (CHP) Press Service / AFP)
In this handout photograph taken and released by the Republican People's Party press office, Türkiye's Republican People's Party (CHP) Chairman and Presidential candidate Kemal Kilicdaroglu (R) and his wife Selvi Kilicdaroglu pose during a rally in Izmir, Türkiye, on April 30, 2023. (Handout / Republican People's Party (CHP) Press Service / AFP)
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Challenger in Türkiye Presidential Race Offers Sharp Contrast

In this handout photograph taken and released by the Republican People's Party press office, Türkiye's Republican People's Party (CHP) Chairman and Presidential candidate Kemal Kilicdaroglu (R) and his wife Selvi Kilicdaroglu pose during a rally in Izmir, Türkiye, on April 30, 2023. (Handout / Republican People's Party (CHP) Press Service / AFP)
In this handout photograph taken and released by the Republican People's Party press office, Türkiye's Republican People's Party (CHP) Chairman and Presidential candidate Kemal Kilicdaroglu (R) and his wife Selvi Kilicdaroglu pose during a rally in Izmir, Türkiye, on April 30, 2023. (Handout / Republican People's Party (CHP) Press Service / AFP)

The main challenger trying to unseat Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in this month's presidential election cuts a starkly different figure than the incumbent who has ruled the country for two decades.

Where Erdogan is a mesmerizing orator, the unassuming Kemal Kilicdaroglu is soft spoken. Erdogan is also a master campaigner who uses state resources and events to reach supporters while Kilicdaroglu talks to voters in videos recorded in his kitchen. As the polarizing Erdogan has grown increasingly authoritarian, Kilicdaroglu has built a reputation as a bridge builder and vows to restore democracy.

The contrasts are reflected in the two men's political paths. Erdogan’s staying power has kept him in office first as prime minister then as president since 2003. Kilicdaroglu (pronounced KEH-lich-DAHR-OH-loo) has not won a general election since taking the helm of his secular, center-left Republican People’s Party, or CHP, in 2010.

But that could change on May 14, when Türkiye holds its most hotly contested presidential election in years. Opinion surveys give Kilicdaroglu, 74, a slight lead over Erdogan, even though analysts warn of the perils of writing off a president with potent political skills. If neither candidate wins more than 50% of the votes, the election will go to a May 28 runoff.

Divisions within the opposition have long helped the 69-year-old Erdogan hold on to power, but this time around Kilicdaroglu is running as the candidate of a united bloc known as the Nation Alliance, which unified six diverse parties, including nationalists and Islamists. Kilicdaroglu has also clinched the pro-Kurdish party’s tacit support.

Adding to Kilicdaroglu’s chances for victory are a faltering economy and high inflation that have been blamed on Erdogan’s unconventional economic policies. Another factor is the devastating earthquake in February that killed more than 50,000 people and exposed years of government negligence.

Erdal Karatas, a barber in Istanbul, used to support Erdogan but has switched allegiances amid the economic downturn and inflation and will vote for Kilicdaroglu.

Erdogan’s “first 10 years were really successful, but in the last 10 years he has veered off course. We can call it power-poisoning,” he said. “We take out loans to pay for debts and credit cards. Our income does not cover our expenses.”

The Nation Alliance has vowed to roll back Erdogan's efforts to concentrate vast powers in the president's hands. The coalition has also pledged to reinstate a parliamentary democracy with checks and balances, to return to more conventional economic policies and to fight corruption.

“These elections are about rebuilding Türkiye, ensuring that no child goes to bed hungry. They are about ensuring gender equality,” Kilicdaroglu said at a rally in the CHP stronghold of Izmir, in western Türkiye. “These elections are about reconciliation and not conflict. And these elections are about bringing democracy to Türkiye.”

In another stark difference with the incumbent, Kilicdaroglu has said he aims to serve just one term and then retire to spend time with his three grandchildren. If elected, he plans to move to the modest presidential palace in Ankara that was home to past presidents, instead of the 1,150-room palace that Erdogan built.

Under Kilicdaroglu, analysts say, Türkiye is likely to adopt a more pro-European and pro-NATO stance, while still preserving Türkiye’s economic ties with Russia.

Erdogan Toprak, a CHP legislator and longtime friend of Kilicdaroglu, said without Kilicdaroglu's patience and consensus-building skills, a united opposition would not have emerged. The bloc includes former Erdogan allies.

“He does not hold grudges,” Toprak said. “He attaches great importance to compromise, and he displays tolerance. That’s what created the Nation Alliance."

Forming the alliance “required a lot of patience and self-sacrifice.” Kilicdaroglu "showed the self-sacrifice and patience ... even though he got a lot of criticism from within the party."

The social democrat politician who has built a reputation for honesty and integrity was born in 1948 in Tunceli province, in eastern Türkiye, to a deed officer father and a homemaker mother.

He is the fourth of seven children from an Alevi family. An economist by training, Kilicdaroglu headed Türkiye’s social security organization before joining the CHP and winning a seat in parliament in 2002 — the same year Erdogan’s ruling Justice and Development party came to power.

He grabbed public attention after exposing corruption allegations against ruling party members and became CHP’s leader after the resignation of former party head Deniz Baykal, who died this year.

Under Kilicdaroglu’s leadership, the CHP, which was established in 1923 by the modern Turkish Republic’s founder Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, has shed its rigid secular, nationalist stance and recently opened up to minority Kurds and to more conservative sections of society. It has assured pious women that their rights to wear Islamic-style headscarves will be upheld.

Steered by Kilicdaroglu, the party managed to unseat ruling party mayors in Istanbul and Ankara in 2019 by launching an effective local election campaign. Until then, the party had lost all parliamentary and presidential elections under Kilicdaroglu. The popular mayors of Ankara and Istanbul have campaigned on his behalf.

Kilicdaroglu is prone to fumbles, however. On April 1, he was forced to apologize after he was photographed accidentally treading on a prayer rug. Erdogan, who has relentless mocked Kilicdaroglu over the years, used the incident to portray his rival as disrespectful to religious values.

Erdogan frequently refers to Kilicdaroglu as “Bay Kemal” or “Mr. Kemal” to portray him as a elitist political figure who is out of touch with people from Türkiye’s conservative, impoverished heartland, even though Kilicdaroglu comes from a low-income background. Kilicdaroglu has embraced the nickname in response, frequently referring to himself as “Bay Kemal.”

Many have speculated that his Alevi background could cost him votes. Kilicdaroglu spoke about his Alevi heritage for the first time in a video address in April, when he called on young voters to put an end to divisive sectarianism politics.

Unlike Erdogan, whose control of mainstream media allows him to dominate the airwaves, Kilicdaroglu has been trying to woo voters with videos recorded from his modest kitchen and posted on social media. Images of his kitchen are now being used as background for video conference calls.

In 2017, Kilicdaroglu grabbed international attention when he walked for 25 days from Ankara to Istanbul in a “March for Justice” to protest the conviction of one of his lawmakers and a large-scale government crackdown on critics following a 2016 coup attempt.

The politician survived an attack in 2016 when Kurdish rebels fired a missile at a convoy he was traveling in. Three years later, he escaped another attack by suspected Erdogan supporters while attending the funeral of a soldier slain in clashes with the rebels.

“Türkiye is going through a difficult period,” Toprak said. Kilicdaroglu, “who is not power-hungry, will overcome this troubled period through reconciliation and tolerance. The country has a one-man rule problem. That will go away.”



Lebanese Emergency Services Are Overwhelmed and Need Better Gear to Save Lives in Wartime

Search and rescue team members try to find victims following an overnight raid by the Israel army on the Palestinian camp of Ain el-Hilweh, in Sidon, Lebanon, 01 October 2024. (EPA)
Search and rescue team members try to find victims following an overnight raid by the Israel army on the Palestinian camp of Ain el-Hilweh, in Sidon, Lebanon, 01 October 2024. (EPA)
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Lebanese Emergency Services Are Overwhelmed and Need Better Gear to Save Lives in Wartime

Search and rescue team members try to find victims following an overnight raid by the Israel army on the Palestinian camp of Ain el-Hilweh, in Sidon, Lebanon, 01 October 2024. (EPA)
Search and rescue team members try to find victims following an overnight raid by the Israel army on the Palestinian camp of Ain el-Hilweh, in Sidon, Lebanon, 01 October 2024. (EPA)

When Israel bombed buildings outside the southern Lebanese city of Sidon, Mohamed Arkadan and his team rushed to an emergency unlike anything they had ever seen.

About a dozen apartments had collapsed onto the hillside they once overlooked, burying more than 100 people. Even after 17 years with the civil defense forces of one of the world's most war-torn nations, Arkadan was shocked at the destruction. By Monday afternoon — about 24 hours after the bombing — his team had pulled more than 40 bodies — including children's — from the rubble, along with 60 survivors.

The children's bodies broke his heart, said Arkadan, 38, but his team of over 30 first responders' inability to help further pained him more. Firetrucks and ambulances haven’t been replaced in years. Rescue tools and equipment are in short supply. His team has to buy their uniforms out of pocket.

An economic crisis that began in 2019 and a massive 2020 port explosion have left Lebanon struggling to provide basic services such as electricity and medical care. Political divisions have left the country of 6 million without a president or functioning government for more than two years, deepening a national sense of abandonment reaching down to the men whom the people depend on in emergencies.

“We have zero capabilities, zero logistics,” Arkadan said. “We have no gloves, no personal protection gear.”

War has upended Lebanon again Israel’s intensified air campaign against Hezbollah has upended the country. Over 1,000 people have been killed in Israeli strikes since Sept. 17, nearly a quarter of them women and children, according to the Health Ministry. Hundreds of thousands of people have fled their homes, sleeping on beaches and streets.

The World Health Organization said over 30 primary health care centers around Lebanon’s affected areas have been closed.

On Tuesday, Israel said it began a limited ground operation against Hezbollah and warned people to evacuate several southern communities, promising further escalation.

Lebanon is “grappling with multiple crises, which have overwhelmed the country’s capacity to cope,” said Imran Riza, the UN's humanitarian coordinator for Lebanon, who said the UN had allocated $24 million in emergency funding for people affected by the fighting.

Exhausted medical staff are struggling to cope with the daily influx of new patients. Under government emergency plans, hospitals and medical workers have halted non-urgent operations.

Government shelters are full

In the southern province of Tyre, many doctors have fled along with residents. In Nabatiyeh, the largest province in southern Lebanon, first responders say they have been working around the clock since last week to reach hundreds of people wounded in bombings that hit dozens of villages and towns, often many on the same day.

After the bombing in Sidon nearly 250 first responders joined Arkadan's team, including a specialized search-and-rescue unit from Beirut, some 45 kilometers (28 miles) to the north. His team didn't have the modern equipment needed to pull people from a disaster.

“We used traditional tools, like scissors, cables, shovels,” Arkadan said.

“Anyone here?” rescuers shouted through the gaps in mounds of rubble, searching for survivors buried deeper underground. One excavator removed the debris slowly, to avoid shaking the heaps of bricks and mangled steel.

Many sought refuge in the ancient city of Tyre, 20 kilometers (12 miles) north of the border with Israel, thinking it was likely to be spared bombardment. More than 8,000 people arrived, said Hassan Dbouk, the head of its disaster management unit.

He said that there were no pre-positioned supplies, such as food parcels, hygiene kits and mattresses, and moving trucks now is fraught with danger. Farmers have been denied access to their land because of the bombings and the municipality is struggling to pay salaries.

Meanwhile, garbage is piling up on the streets. The number of municipal workers has shrunk from 160 to 10.

“The humanitarian situation is catastrophic,” Dbouk said.

Wissam Ghazal, the health ministry official in Tyre, said in one hospital, only five of 35 doctors have remained. In Tyre province, eight medics, including three with a medical organization affiliated with Hezbollah, were killed over two days, he said.

Over the weekend, the city itself became a focus of attacks.

Israeli warplanes struck near the port city’s famed ruins, along its beaches and in residential and commercial areas, forcing thousands of residents to flee. At least 15 civilians were killed Saturday and Sunday, including two municipal workers, a soldier and several children, all but one from two families.

It took rescuers two days to comb through the rubble of a home in the Kharab neighborhood in the city’s center, where a bomb had killed nine members of the al-Samra family.

Six premature babies in incubators around the city were moved to Beirut. The city’s only doctor, who looked after them, couldn’t move between hospitals under fire, Ghazal said.

One of the district’s four hospitals shut after sustaining damage from a strike that affected its electricity supply and damaged the operations room. In two other hospitals, glass windows were broken. For now, the city’s hospitals are receiving more killed than wounded.

“But you don’t know what will happen when the intensity of attacks increases. We will definitely need more.”

Making do with what they have

Hussein Faqih, head of civil defense in the Nabatiyeh province, said that “we are working in very difficult and critical circumstances because the strikes are random. We have no protection. We have no shields, no helmets, no extra hoses. The newest vehicle is 25 years old. We are still working despite all that.”

At least three of his firefighters’ team were killed in early September. Ten have been injured since then. Of 45 vehicles, six were hit and are now out of service.

Faqih said he is limiting his team’s search-and-rescue missions to residential areas, keeping them away from forests or open areas where they used to put out fires.

“These days, there is something difficult every day. Body parts are everywhere, children, civilians and bodies under rubble,” Faqih said. Still, he said, he considers his job to be the safety net for the people.

“We serve the people, and we will work with what we have.”