عربي English Türkçe اردو فارسى
Logo
Latest News
Interviews

Lazzarini Warns Via Asharq Al-Awsat of Imminent Famine in Gaza

Phillipe Lazzarini, the Commissioner-General of United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). Photo: UN
Phillipe Lazzarini, the Commissioner-General of United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). Photo: UN
TT
TT

Lazzarini Warns Via Asharq Al-Awsat of Imminent Famine in Gaza

Phillipe Lazzarini, the Commissioner-General of United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). Photo: UN
Phillipe Lazzarini, the Commissioner-General of United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). Photo: UN

Famine in Gaza is “imminent,” warns UNRWA, if the international community does not step up its aid to more 2.2 million Palestinian civilians in the Strip.

In an exclusive interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Mr. Phillipe Lazzarini, the Commissioner-General of United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), revealed after returning from his fourth trip to Gaza since the start of the war on October 7 last year, that he is launching an “independent review” through a third party to look into Israel’s allegations that Hamas and other Palestinian factions have been using the agency’s facilities in the context of destructive war in Gaza, in addition to using the civilians as “human shields.” Mr. Lazzarini acknowledged that the population is “caught between different types of agendas.”

The Commissioner-General spoke about his trip, which lasted three days and coincided with the 100th day of the war, and the “miserable conditions” the population is enduring, warning that famine had become “imminent.” He stressed that the “tragedy” has so far cost more than 20,000 lives, including between 60 percent and two-thirds of them children and women, and about 150 employees of the UN agency. He did not rule out the commission of war crimes by Israel or Hamas, but stressed that we must now “put an end to this suffering, this misery,” stressing that humanitarian organizations are in “a race against the clock in an effort to reverse the deterioration of the humanitarian situation, and to ensure that we do not have to "deal with a state of famine." He called for a “large-scale flow” of humanitarian aid and goods to “reverse” the worsening humanitarian situation.

Here is the full interview with Mr. Lazzarini:

* I want to start from here to ask you first about targeting journalists in the war in Gaza, and in the skirmishes, I would say, between Israel and Hezbollah. What are your thoughts?

Listen, I have full admiration with journalists, many in Gaza, because they are witnessing what was going on in Gaza. I have met many of the local journalists and stranger for international media. They have done an extraordinary job under impossible circumstances. I have seen the dedication, the devotion, despite the fact that basically they are sharing the same plight as the rest of the population. They themselves are displaced, their houses are destroyed, they lost relatives. And despite that, they’ve had such loyalty, commitment, the sense of mission to report and to make sure that the rest of the world knows what is going on. At the same time, they have paid a huge price. Journalists are like, in fact, the other types of volunteer. We saw the same with doctors and nurses. We saw the same, in fact, in my organization...

* That’s exactly what I wanted to ask you about. I'm coming to this and I want you to comment on the huge loss of UNRWA in this war. Tell me what is exactly happening, how many have you lost?

Well, as of today, there are more than 150 staff have been killed since the beginning of the war. Many of them are teachers, nurses engineers, human resource officers or drivers. Many of them have been also killed in their houses, that have been killed with relatives since the beginning of the war. This has been, for the agency, a tragedy, but at the same time, we are talking about the ecosystem of Gaza which has been a hit in indiscriminate ways. That is the reason why, I would say all the aspects of the Gazan social fabric has been impacted and have paid a huge price since the beginning of the war. When we talk about more than 20,000 people having been killed, among them, we have a number of journalists, a number of doctors, a number of a UN staffers, but those who have also paid a huge price have been the children and the woman. It is estimated that among all those who have been killed that we have between the 60 percent to 2 third of woman and children...

* What is the number exactly of children and women?

Listen, the question is: Is the overall number exact? It is as of today the best estimate. We do not have a mechanism to independently review the number. But if I look at the number of people who were killed in previous conflicts, they were by large considered by anyone as being the best reliable number having been issued. Now if I look at the number of UN staff having been killed and compare it to the overall number of staff that we have, and compare the announcement of the people having been killed in Gaza with the overall population, I would have the same type of proportion. So I would say it's certainly the best estimate available as of today. Are they precise? Certainly not precise. Are they overinflated or underestimated? it's possible that in fact, it does not capture all the people who have been killed, and there are still a number of people remaining under the rubble in northern Gaza, but also in southern Gaza.

Normal War?

* I normally hear that: the war is a war, as the French traditional notion would mention. Isn't that normal in a war?

What is normal in a war? If you look at the old war which we have gone through in Afghanistan, is it a normal war? Yemen is a normal war? and the wars we have seen in Africa? So I don't know if there is a normal war, but I can say that in the context of Gaza, it’s a little bit the war of all the superlative, the number of people killed in such a short time in proportion to the overall population, the number of children killed in proportion with the overall number of people killed, the number of people who will have been injured in proportion of the overall population in such a short time, the fact that 90% of the population had to flee and move on multiple bases, the fact that 60% of the infrastructure in the Gaza Strip has been damaged or totally destroyed in such a short time, and the fact also that we are talking about a possible looming widespread hunger, you have a possible looming starvation - pockets might be looming also in such a short time, which is completely manmade. So in Gaza, the intensity, and the number that we're talking about are just staggering.

* Are you concerned that there might be war crimes or war against humanity committed by Israel or even Hamas or whoever?

You know, this will be determined later on by the international legal body of the international community. What we have seen over the last few months is that an entire population has been impacted. That certainly war crime might have been committed by the Israelis but also by Hamas. So all of these are issues hat will be determined later on all. For the time being, what is important is to try to put an end to this suffering, to this misery. I’ve just come back again, from a three-day trip in the Gaza Strip. It was my fourth trip there. I was really struck by how people are resigned, are exhausted, how they try to be on a kind of automatic survival mode. Basically, we’re in winter, they do not sleep, but they are sharing house within the family, just to ensure the minimum of the minimum, and even with this, you hear that people have to skip their meal one day every two days. It's a struggle to find water. People feel extremely filthy also. They are living in an absolutely appalling hygienic condition. These are all people who have been displaced multiple times, people who have lost and left everything behind, people who have lost a beloved and family member. So, the focus today is really to try to save life in the Gaza Strip. Our concern has always been, beyond the number of people who have been killed by the ongoing military operation and military hostility and the bombardment, that people have also started to die because of disease outbreak, because of hunger, because of weakened immunities, or because they cannot recover also from injuries in the Gaza Strip.

Inside Gaza

* Can you just elaborate more? Where did you go in Gaza? Which areas were you able to go?

This time I went to Rafah, to Khan Younes and to Deir El Balah. I visited our teams in these three locations. I visited also one shelter in Deir El Balah, one of our schools it was completely overcrowded. It felt almost claustrophobic being in this school. Basically, I was engaging with the people, to try to understand how they struggle on a day to day basis to keep going on and to survive. It is true I saw first-hand the living condition, the unsanitary condition. I heard stories about women who decided to try to eat as little as possible, drink as little as possible in order not to have to go to the toilet. Wearing the same clothes for weeks, having skin disease, with lice in their hair. Because of that, and this filthiness and because of this also exhaustion, and when you live it in this overcrowded condition, when you have to sleep on the concrete, when you do not have a proper mattress and blanket, and the winter is here, and you'll have the anxiety of a possible bombardment, you do not really sleep. And the woman who was describing to you, because of this process is more and more stigmatized, and ostracized also, and this is something that we know we will be also looking at. During the first two/three months, our approach was a global one. But now we have to look more into some individual cases, vulnerabilities of the people. All these people are going through an extraordinary tragedy.

* So in this very difficult situation, how much UNRWA has been able to help? Are there any other organizations who are able to move around and help people in need?

UNRWA is certainly the main organization operational and active in the Gaza Strip, but you have also a number of our partners. You have the World Food Program, you have UNICEF, at present you have the World Health Organization, but you have also the ICRC, you have also the Palestinian Red Crescent, which has also been important in terms of bringing in supply into the Gaza Strip. What we are capable to provide in terms of assistance is far from being in line or commensurate with the immensity of the needs. You have seen that at the beginning of the war, there was a total siege imposed on Gaza. We had at the beginning this shortage and crisis of lack of a fuel which impacted in fact all the aspects of the daily life and survival in the Gaza Strip. Then, trucks started to come in, the fuel started to come in, and today in fact, it's a race against the clock to try to reverse the worsening of the humanitarian situation, and to make sure that we do not have to deal in the weeks to come, with a situation of starvation and famine. There was an alert that has been issued by the World Food Program about this. So all the partners and the aid community is mobilized to try to address this. But we have also said more than once that aid is not enough. We need also commodities to be flown into Gaza at scale and in a meaningful way. You might remember that before October 7, and it was already a situation which was broadly described that has been under blockade. At that time, we had about 500 commercial trucks coming in, and a 100 to 200 trucks aid for the humanitarian community to support the population in Gaza. Today, we are talking about a total of 200 plus and this is following a very recent increase, but the need is at 10 times higher than they used to be before. That shows that we are far from being at scale. We are far from providing the meaningful, I would say, basic assistance that the population required.

Israel’s Allegations

* Mr. Lazzarini, I have to tell you that I always hear that UNRWA is accused of being used by Hamas, by other organizations and militants, and sometimes they're taking UNRWA and the population as human shields. How true are these accusations?

You know, that there have been quite a number of allegations of diverse nature, about tunnels, about weapons, about activities. In such an overcrowded environment, there is no doubt that the civilian population is paying the price, the civilian population is also trapped in between different types of agenda, and that operating within this overcrowded environment exposes unnecessarily the civilian. Now having said that, I have never ever received yet concrete allegation. In my office, I'm very much aware of like you about this allegation, but this is also the reason why I have taken the decision, in fact yesterday, I was informing a group of journalists that I will call for an independent review of all this allegation to find out what is behind it, what is the part which is disingenuous and aimed at undermining the agency, and what could be the part, the true, and to look at, after that, how is the agency dealing with this. I keep telling everyone, that as an agency, we are not operating in a no risk environment. It's an extraordinary emotional, divisive type of environment. But as an agency, we will be operating fully in line with UN principles and values, and we'll make sure that if a staffer by any chance would not be compliant with this value, that we would implement a zero tolerance policy. So there are allegations. I cannot confirm any of this allegation. I can tell you how we are handling this type of a situation, but it hasn't been enough because this allegation continues in a regular basis. You’re right, you keep hearing, I keep hearing. We keep saying this. So in order to go beyond this, I would say, unhealthy rhetoric of we are being accused, that and we are defending and responding. I have decided that I will commission an independent review about this allegation.

* When are you going to start with this review?

I hope to start as soon as possible. We have now finalized the terms of reference. And I'm now looking at identifying the best third party to undertake such a review.

UNRWA’s Fate

* That's good to hear. I also hear from the Israeli side, that they want UNRWA to be abolished altogether. They don't want UNRWA anymore, part of it because of these allegations and accusations. Is that something that should be done? I know you are the chief of the of UNRWA, and I'm asking you. How do you respond to that kind of idea that UNRWA should be all together abolished, and there is no need to it, and the population who relies now heavily on UNRWA should rely on some other type of organization?

To start with, UNRWA is a mandated organization by the General Assembly and its member states. So, this is up to the General Assembly and its member states to make the determination of what UNRWA should do, or should not do. As you said, these are ideas we hear from time to time, which sometimes have traction, especially when we talk about the context of the situation in Gaza, and what might unfold later on. The real question is, if not UNRWA, who will provide tomorrow the education to 300,000 children, boys and girls, who were in our schools. In an ideal solution, and we should never forget that, UNRWA was supposed to be a temporary organization. UNRWA was supposed to exist until the day there is a lasting and fair political solution. Now, unfortunately, for now nearly 75 years, there haven't been a fair and lasting political solution, and there haven't been an alternative provided on who else should step into the responsibility of an agency like ours. So the real question is, if we want to address, if we want to promote future peace and security in the region, we need also to genuinely invest into a proper peace process, and once you have the political - I would say - the solid political project and roadmap at the end of this direction of travel, it’s when UNRWA should be able to phase out, because a new state, or new authority, will take over the services the agency is providing. There have been also sometimes beliefs that if the agency is liquidated that the statue of the Palestinian refugees would be addressed and solved. This is a shortcut. This is naive, because even if the agency does not provide services, the statue of the Palestinian refugees will remain until the day you have a proper lasting and fair political solution.

* Meanwhile, what is your message for countries or organizations? What do you need from the international community in order to continue this very crucial work that you've been doing? And what is your message to the population in Gaza, to Israel, and even to Hamas and the other Palestinian fractions?

Well, I'm not sure I'm addressing to all the Palestinian fractions right now. But my message to the population in Gaza is that UNRWA will stay in Gaza, UNRWA will continue to support you, and express not only its solidarity but will continue to provide assistance. And we will also continue to be your voice within the international community. Now, to the region, it is important that the support to the agency be provided both financially - it is absolute key. We should never, ever forget that our funding base comes from voluntary contribution, while at the same time, we are providing public like services, such as education, primary healthcare, or social protection safety net. Now in Gaza, we have an unprecedented humanitarian crisis. So the focus has shifted for the agencies. But to respond to the needs of the people and their plight, we need resources, we need the region, the Arab world, to mobilize and to express its solidarity to the agency, beyond political support, but also by providing the necessary resources.

Lazzarini’s Concerns

* And with that note, I see that people are concerned, including you, by the potential mass transfer of people of Gaza outside the strip...

You know, you have right now an entire population of 2.2 million people who have been impacted by this war. The majority, the bulk of the population now, is concentrated in the south of the Gaza Strip. Already before, the Gaza Strip with its entire population, was considered as being one of the most overcrowded places in the world. It is even much more overcrowded right now. If you go to Rafah, its population has increased by four over the last few weeks. And Rafah is at the border. There are fears about a possible extension of the military operation towards Rafah, and here indeed, the question would be: what will desperate people do? Will they be tempted to cross the border or will they try to go elsewhere? There is not much more elsewhere safer in the Gaza Strip.

Are you concerned?

I am definitely concerned, but I'm also concerned that Gazans will not be able anytime soon to see what their future will look like. We keep talking about the day after, but the fear here is that the very day today is not over, and it might be a very long period in the in between day. The in between day might also be a period of misery, of despair, and distress. Because as of now we don't have on the table a proper political project. It will be difficult to invest in Gaza, and hence difficult to bring back even basic social services. I am very worried, for example, about the fate of half a million girls and boys, who are not in school today, who are deeply traumatized by this war, not only them, but also their families, and also the teachers. The more we wait, the more we're taking the risk to lose an entire generation, but also an entire generation after that, which will be brought up into resentment, into bitterness. This is certainly not what the region needs in the future.

Most Viewed

 
 
Interviews

President of Madagascar to Asharq Al-Awsat: Three-Pillar Economic Plan to Revive the Country

President of Madagascar Michael Randrianirina (Presidency)
President of Madagascar Michael Randrianirina (Presidency)
TT
TT

President of Madagascar to Asharq Al-Awsat: Three-Pillar Economic Plan to Revive the Country

President of Madagascar Michael Randrianirina (Presidency)
President of Madagascar Michael Randrianirina (Presidency)

President of Madagascar Michael Randrianirina said his country views Saudi Arabia as its “main partner” in the phase of “refoundation” and in building a new development model, revealing to Asharq Al-Awsat a three-pillar economic plan aimed at restoring political and institutional stability, activating structural sectors, and improving the business environment to attract investment, with a focus on cooperation in mining and natural resources, including rare minerals.

In his first interview with an Arab newspaper since assuming office in October, Randrianirina said in remarks delivered via Zoom from his presidential office that Madagascar “possesses real potential in energy, agriculture, mining, tourism, and human capital,” stressing that driving national revival requires consolidating institutional stability and building balanced partnerships with countries such as Saudi Arabia in order to translate potential into tangible outcomes for citizens and youth.

Three-Pillar Economic Plan

The president explained that his plan is based on three main pillars. The first focuses on restoring political and institutional stability through a clear transitional roadmap, the establishment of an executive body to manage and review projects, and the formation of a supporting committee to ensure an orderly and transparent transition.

The second pillar centers on investment in structural sectors, including energy, ports, digital transformation, health, and mining, in partnership with Saudi Arabia and other partners, with the aim of removing the main obstacles to economic revival.

The third pillar, he said, targets creating an attractive environment for investors by improving the business climate, strengthening public-private partnerships, activating special economic zones, and leveraging regional frameworks such as the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to open broader African markets through Madagascar.

Strategic Partnership and “Investment-Ready” Projects

On plans to enhance economic, investment, and trade cooperation between Saudi Arabia and Madagascar, Randrianirina said his objective is to build a long-term strategic partnership within a clear institutional framework and through flagship projects with tangible impact for both countries.

He proposed the creation of a joint Madagascar–Saudi investment body, to be known as “OIMS,” to coordinate and finance projects in energy, ports, health, digital governance, mining, agriculture, and tourism. He noted that Madagascar is simultaneously preparing a package of investment-ready projects aligned with Saudi Vision 2030 and Africa’s regional integration, in order to provide organized and secure opportunities for Saudi capital and expertise.

Saudi Arabia as the “Main Partner”

Randrianirina emphasized that Madagascar considers Saudi Arabia a key partner in priority sectors. In energy and refining, he said the country plans to establish a national oil refinery, supply fuel directly from the Kingdom, and jointly develop heavy oil resources in western Madagascar.

In ports and logistics, he pointed to efforts to modernize and expand the ports of Toliara and Mahajanga to position Madagascar as a logistics and energy hub in the Indian Ocean.

Regarding digital transformation and secure governance, he said Madagascar aims to launch a secure national digital platform for public administration and security, drawing on Saudi experience.

He also highlighted mining and natural resources, including rare minerals, as a cornerstone of cooperation, with the goal of improving valuation and ensuring traceability of Malagasy gold and other mineral resources in a transparent and mutually beneficial manner. He further expressed interest in the health sector, proposing the establishment of a royal health complex in Antananarivo, followed by a gradual expansion of similar facilities in other regions.

Planned Visit to Riyadh

The President said Madagascar is working with Saudi authorities to arrange an official visit in the near future, with the date to be determined in coordination with the Kingdom.

He described the visit as an important opportunity to meet and engage with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, noting that Vision 2030 has brought about a qualitative transformation in the Kingdom’s image and economic trajectory. He said Saudi Arabia has strengthened its role as a major player in economic modernization, energy diversification, digital transformation, and global investment, while maintaining its central role in the Arab and Islamic worlds.

He added that the reforms and major projects achieved under the vision are a source of inspiration for Madagascar’s refoundation efforts, expressing a desire to benefit from the Saudi experience in areas including energy, infrastructure, digital transformation, health, and natural resource development.

The president said he hopes the visit will include meetings with the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman bin Abdulaziz and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, as well as sectoral meetings covering energy, ports, digital transformation, health, mining, defense and security, trade, culture, and sports, alongside discussions on establishing the joint investment body.

Historical Links with the Arab World

Randrianirina noted that Madagascar had historical links with the Arab world prior to the arrival of Western powers, explaining that Arab sailors, traders, and scholars reached its coasts and left their mark on certain languages, place names, and customs.

Three Major Challenges

The president acknowledged three main challenges facing his country: poverty and food insecurity, lack of infrastructure, and weak institutions. He said a large segment of the population still lives in poverty and that food security is not guaranteed in several regions, stressing that addressing these challenges requires investment in agriculture and rural infrastructure and the search for partners to support sustainable value chains that improve farmers’ incomes.

On infrastructure, he said the capacity of the energy and port sectors remains insufficient, hindering growth and trade, noting that upcoming discussions with Saudi Arabia focus on projects such as the refinery, heavy oil development, the ports of Toliara and Mahajanga, and digital infrastructure. He added that repeated crises have weakened institutions, and that his government is working to strengthen the rule of law, anti-corruption mechanisms, and public investment governance through independent oversight and transparent reporting to restore trust.

Combating Corruption

The President said financial corruption is a serious problem in Madagascar as it undermines public trust and diverts resources away from development. He explained that the anti-corruption strategy is based on three levels: establishing an executive body with clear procedures, independent audits, and periodic reporting; using digitalization to improve traceability and reduce misuse; and strengthening anti-corruption bodies while supporting judicial independence.

When asked about allegations of financial corruption linked to the previous leadership, he said his focus is on institutions rather than personal accusations, stressing that addressing any allegations falls under the jurisdiction of the competent judicial and oversight bodies, which must be protected from political interference and allowed to operate in accordance with the law and due process.

Duty to the Country and Its Youth

The president concluded by saying that he assumed office out of a sense of duty toward the country and its youth, noting that young people represent a significant demographic weight in Madagascar and are demanding change, dignity, and a better future through jobs, education, stability, and opportunities within their own country.

 

Interviews

Microsoft President: Saudi Arabia is Moving from Exporting Oil to Exporting Artificial Intelligence

Naim Yazbeck, President of Microsoft for the Middle East and Africa (Microsoft) 
Naim Yazbeck, President of Microsoft for the Middle East and Africa (Microsoft) 
TT
TT

Microsoft President: Saudi Arabia is Moving from Exporting Oil to Exporting Artificial Intelligence

Naim Yazbeck, President of Microsoft for the Middle East and Africa (Microsoft) 
Naim Yazbeck, President of Microsoft for the Middle East and Africa (Microsoft) 

As Saudi Arabia accelerates its national transformation under Vision 2030, the region’s technology landscape is undergoing a decisive shift. For the first time, “the region is not merely participating in a global transformation, it is clearly leading it,” said Naim Yazbeck, President of Microsoft for the Middle East and Africa, in an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat.

Yazbeck argued that Saudi Arabia now stands at the forefront of what he called “a historic turning point not seen in the past century,” defined by sovereign cloud infrastructure, artificial intelligence, and national innovation capabilities.

He noted that Saudi Arabia’s rapid progress is driven by clear political will, explaining that the state is not simply modernizing infrastructure, but views AI as a strategic pillar comparable to the historical role of oil. While oil underpinned the economy for decades, AI has emerged as the new resource on which the Kingdom is staking its economic future.

According to Yazbeck, the recent visit of Crown Prince and Prime Minister Mohammed bin Salman to the United States underscored this shift, with AI and advanced technologies taking center stage in discussions, reflecting Saudi Arabia’s intent to build a globally influential knowledge economy.

This direction marks the start of a new phase in which the Kingdom is no longer a consumer of imported AI technologies but a developer of local capabilities and a producer of exportable knowledge, strengthening technological sovereignty and laying the foundation for an innovation-driven economy.

A Distinctive Tech Market

Yazbeck stressed that the regional landscape, especially in Saudi Arabia, is witnessing an unprecedented shift. Gulf countries are not only deploying AI but also developing and exporting it. The Kingdom is building advanced infrastructure capable of running large-scale models and providing massive computing power, positioning it for the first time as a participant in global innovation rather than a mere technology importer.

He pointed to a common sentiment he encountered in recent meetings across Riyadh’s ministries, regulatory bodies, national institutions, and global companies: “Everyone wants to be ahead of AI, not behind it.” Ambition has translated into action through revised budgets, higher targets, and faster project timelines.

He added that Saudi institutions now demand the highest standards of data sovereignty, especially in sensitive financial, health, and education sectors. The regulatory environment is evolving rapidly; Saudi Arabia has modernized its cybersecurity, data governance, cloud, and AI frameworks faster than many countries worldwide, turning regulatory agility into a competitive asset.

Yazbeck emphasized that success is not measured by the number of AI projects but by their alignment with national priorities, productivity, healthcare, education, and cybersecurity, rather than superficial, publicity-driven initiatives.

The ‘Return on Investment’ Equation

According to the Microsoft official, building an AI-driven economy requires more than advanced data centers. It begins with long-term planning for energy production and the expansion of connectivity networks. He further said that running large models demands enormous electrical capacity and long-term stability, which the Kingdom is addressing through strategic investments in renewable energy and telecommunications.

Yazbeck said return on investment is a central question. Nationally, ROI is measured through economic growth, job creation, higher productivity, enhanced innovation, and stronger global standing. At the institutional level, tangible results are already emerging: with tools such as Copilot, employees are working faster and with higher quality, shedding routine tasks and redirecting time toward innovation. The next phase, he added, will unlock new business models, improved customer experiences, streamlined operations, and higher efficiency across sectors.

Sovereignty and Security

Digital sovereignty is now indispensable, Yazbeck said. Saudi Arabia requires cloud providers to meet the highest accreditation standards to host sensitive national systems, which are criteria Microsoft is working to fulfill ahead of launch. Once the new cloud regions in Dammam go live, they will become part of the Kingdom’s sovereign infrastructure, requiring maximum protection.

Microsoft invests billions annually in cybersecurity and has repelled unprecedented cyberattacks, an indicator of the threats national infrastructure faces. The company offers a suite of sovereign cloud solutions, data-classification tools, and hybrid options that allow flexible operation and expansion. Yazbeck noted that sovereignty is not a single concept but a spectrum that includes data protection, regulatory control, and local hosting all play critical roles.

Data: The Next Source of Advantage

Yazbeck identified data as the decisive factor in AI success. He warned that any model built on unclean data becomes a source of hallucinations. Thus, national strategy begins with assessing the readiness of Saudi Arabia’s data landscape.

He revealed that the Kingdom, working with SDAIA, the Ministry of Communications, and national companies, is constructing a vast, high-quality data ecosystem, laying the groundwork for competitive Arabic language models.

He also called for a robust framework for responsible AI, saying that speed alone is not enough. He stressed that safe and trustworthy use must be built from the start, noting that Microsoft is collaborating with national bodies to craft policies that prevent misuse, protect data, and ensure fairness and transparency.

Skills: A National Advantage

Human capability is the true engine of national power; Yazbeck underlined, pointing that infrastructure means little without talent to run and advance it. He stated that Saudi youth represent the Kingdom’s greatest competitive advantage.

Microsoft has trained more than one million Saudis over the past two years through programs with SDAIA, the Ministry of Communications, the Ministry of Education, and the MISK Foundation. Its joint AI Academy has graduated thousands of students from over 40 universities, and it has launched broad programs to train teachers on AI tools in education.

 

 

Interviews

El-Mahboub Abdul Salam to Asharq Al-Awsat: Al-Turabi Was Shocked by Deputy’s Role in Mubarak Assassination Plot

Dr. El-Mahboub Abdul Salam speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Dr. El-Mahboub Abdul Salam speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
TT
TT

El-Mahboub Abdul Salam to Asharq Al-Awsat: Al-Turabi Was Shocked by Deputy’s Role in Mubarak Assassination Plot

Dr. El-Mahboub Abdul Salam speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Dr. El-Mahboub Abdul Salam speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

This happens only in thrillers. A religious leader summons an obscure army officer and meets him for the first time two days before a planned coup. He appoints him president with an unprecedented line, “You will go to the palace as president, and I will go to prison as a detainee.”

That is what happened on June 30, 1989. The officer, Omar al-Bashir, went to the presidential palace while security forces took Dr. Hassan Al-Turabi to the notorious Kober Prison along with other political leaders.

Al-Turabi’s “ruse” aimed to conceal the Islamic nature of the coup so that near and distant governments would not rush to isolate it. Intelligence agencies in neighboring states, including Egypt, fell for the deception and assumed that Bashir had seized power at the head of a group of nationalist officers. Cairo recognized the new regime and encouraged others to follow.

This happens only in stories. A young man landed at Khartoum airport carrying a passport that said his name was Abdullah Barakat. He arrived from Amman. One day he would knock on Al-Turabi’s office door, though Al-Turabi refused to see him.

Soon after, Sudanese security discovered that the visitor was a “poisoned gift,” in Al-Turabi’s words. He was the Venezuelan militant known as Carlos the Jackal, a “revolutionary” to some and a “notorious terrorist” to others.

He led the 1975 kidnapping of OPEC ministers in Vienna under instructions from Palestinian militant Dr. Wadie Haddad, an architect of aircraft hijackings. One night, and with the approval of Al-Turabi and Bashir, French intelligence agents arrived in Khartoum. Carlos awoke from sedatives aboard the plane taking him to France, where he remains imprisoned for life.

Bashir’s government was playing with explosives. In the early 1990s, it also hosted a prickly young man named Osama bin Laden, who after Afghanistan was seeking a base for training and preparation. He arrived under the banner of investment and relief work. Mounting pressure left bin Laden with no option but to leave.

This happens only in thrillers. The leadership of the National Islamic Front gathered with its top figures, Bashir, and security chiefs. The occasion was the assassination attempt against Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in Addis Ababa.

Ali Osman Taha, Al-Turabi’s deputy, stunned attendees by admitting that Sudanese security services were linked to the attempt. Those present understood that he had been one of its sponsors. Neither the sheikh nor the president had prior knowledge.

After the attempt, some proposed killing the operatives who had returned from the Ethiopian capital to eliminate any trail that could incriminate the Sudanese regime. Al-Turabi opposed the assassinations. The impression spread that Bashir supported the killings and signs of a rift between him and Al-Turabi began to appear.

The split later became formal in what came to be known as the “separation” among Islamists. Power is a feast that cannot accommodate two guests. Bashir did not hesitate to send to prison the man who had placed him in the palace. Al-Turabi did not hesitate to back Bashir’s handover to the International Criminal Court. Al-Turabi tasted the betrayal of his own disciples. Disciples, after all, are known to betray.

This happens only in thrillers. Through Al-Turabi’s mediation, Osama bin Laden agreed to meet an intelligence officer from Saddam Hussein’s regime named Farouk Hijazi. The meeting produced no cooperation, but it became one of the early arguments George W. Bush used in 2003 to justify the invasion of Iraq.

Hijazi also met senior Sudanese security officials who later visited Baghdad and were warmly received, and it became clear that Ali Osman Taha was among Saddam’s most enthusiastic admirers.

Sudanese blood now flows like the waters of the Nile. Bodies scattered on the streets of el-Fasher are almost making the world forget the bodies buried under the rubble of Gaza. Hard men are pouring fire onto the oil of ethnic and regional hatreds. Making corpses is far easier than making a settlement, a state, or institutions.

Since independence, Sudan has been a sprawling tragedy. Because the present is the child of the recent past, searching for a witness who knows the game and the players, and journalism leads to meeting and interviewing the experienced politician and researcher Dr. El-Mahboub Abdul Salam.

For a decade he served as Al-Turabi’s office director. For another decade, he wrote some of Bashir’s speeches.

In recent years, his bold conclusions stood out, including that Sudan’s Islamic movement has exhausted its purposes, that it shares responsibility with other elites for the country’s condition, and that it erred in dealing with others just as it erred when it chose the path of coups, violence, ghost houses, and contributed to pushing the South outside Sudan’s map.

Abdul Salam does not hesitate to scrutinize Al-Turabi’s own mistakes and his passion for wielding power. I sat down for an interview with him, and this is the first installment.

Abdul Salam was a first-year university student when Al-Turabi’s ideas caught his attention. Al-Turabi then appeared different, moving outside Sudan’s traditional social divides. He also knew the West, having studied in Paris and London. In 1990, Abdul Salam became Al-Turabi’s office director until the end of that decade.

Abdul Salam recalled: “I am often asked this question, are you a disciple of Al-Turabi? I have told them more than once, yes, I am a disciple of Al-Turabi, a devoted one. But I graduated from this school and became an independent person with my own ideas and experiences, perhaps broader than those of the Islamic movement’s earlier leaders.”

Asked about when he discovered Al-Turabi’s mistakes and developed a critical sense toward his experience Abdul Salam said that it was “perhaps in 2011, with the ‘Arab Spring’, and the Egyptian revolution in particular and the change that took place in Egypt.”

A tense beginning

Abdul Salam said Al-Turabi’s relationship with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak began on polite terms when they met in 1986 during an Al-Azhar conference on the Prophet’s biography. At the time, he recalled, Cairo was hostile or deeply wary of the Sudanese government under Sadiq al-Mahdi. The meeting, in his words, “was more courtesy than substance.”

According to Abdul Salam, relations later deteriorated sharply because of the deception surrounding the 1989 coup, then worsened further after the 1995 assassination attempt against Mubarak in Addis Ababa.

The Addis Ababa shock

Abdul Salam recounted that a major political meeting was convened after the failed attempt, held at the home of Ali Osman Mohammed Taha and attended by Al-Turabi, Bashir and all senior leaders. He said that during this gathering, both Bashir and Al-Turabi learned “for the first time” that Sudanese security services and Al-Turabi’s own deputy had been involved in the operation without informing them, describing the moment as a “huge shock” to the leadership.

He said Taha admitted at the meeting that the security services were involved and that it later became clear he himself was implicated. When a proposal emerged to kill the operatives returning from Ethiopia to erase evidence, Abdul Salam said Al-Turabi “rose in fierce opposition,” calling the idea outside both politics and Sharia. He cited Dr. Ali al-Haj as saying this moment “marked the beginning of the split.”

Egyptian intelligence reassesses Sudan

Abdul Salam describes how the Sudanese and Egyptian intelligence services eventually moved toward reconciliation. He said Omar Suleiman, Egypt’s intelligence chief, sent a message through French intelligence stating that the attack had been carried out by Egyptian Islamist groups.

According to Abdul Salam, Suleiman maintained that Sudan had only provided what he described as logistical support including money, shelter and weapons, rather than planning or executing the attack. This understanding, he says, prevented Egypt from responding harshly.

The communication opened a door for “major repair” of relations, Abdul Salam added, as Sudan began presenting itself as a pragmatic government after distancing itself from Al-Turabi.

After 1999: Rapprochement with Cairo

The reconciliation with Egypt and the region, Abdul Salam noted, took shape after 1999. He recalled that Taha’s visit to Cairo came after that date, followed by a visit from intelligence chief Salah Gosh. Foreign Minister Mustafa Osman regularly traveled to Egypt and maintained a friendship with his Egyptian counterpart, further improving ties.

The memorandum that shifted power

Abdul Salam described the turning point in relations between Bashir and Al-Turabi as the “Memorandum of Ten” in October 1998. During a major Shura gathering attended by hundreds of party, state and tribal leaders, ten members presented a document calling for the removal of Al-Turabi and the installation of Bashir as both head of state and leader of the movement.

He said the memorandum included reform language, but its essence was ending dual leadership. Bashir, according to Abdul Salam, “conspired with the ten” and accepted the proposal, calling the conspiracy “clear and very public.”

Abdul Salam recounted that Bashir wanted to confine Al-Turabi to a symbolic role and that some officers close to Bashir even asked Al-Turabi to remain as a spiritual figure who would bless decisions made elsewhere. “Al-Turabi would not accept this,” he stressed.

Al-Turabi’s influence and gradual reemergence

Reflecting on the early years of the Salvation regime, Abdul Salam said Al-Turabi authored all strategic decisions while the government handled daily business independently. He avoided public appearances during the first five years, he recalls.

Abdul Salam added that Al-Turabi gradually reemerged and became speaker of the National Assembly in 1996. He said Al-Turabi’s influence “never truly faded” because of his charisma, knowledge and strong presence, and diminished only when he was imprisoned after the split.

The 2001 Memorandum and South Sudan

Abdul Salam said Al-Turabi was arrested after the signing of a memorandum of understanding with the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement in February 2001. He confirmed he personally signed the document.

Asked whether he felt responsible for South Sudan’s independence, Abdul Salam rejected the suggestion. He said his position was clear and aligned with Sheikh Rached Ghannouchi, who argued that unity required suspending the hudud laws introduced under President Jaafar Nimeiri. Abdul Salam told southern leaders that unity should take precedence over maintaining those laws, adding that Islamic legislation, like all legal systems, is shaped by its psychological and historical context.

Complicated relationship

Abdul Salam described the relationship between Al-Turabi and his deputy Ali Osman Taha as complex and shaped by long-standing philosophical differences. He recalled a sharp split within the Islamist movement in 1968 when Taha aligned with figures who believed Al-Turabi had grown too dominant.

He cited Taha’s personal doctrine as follows: if an individual disagrees with the organization he sides with the organization, if the organization disagrees with the state he sides with the state, and if the state disagrees with Islam he sides with Islam. Al-Turabi, Abdul Salam said, did not operate that way and pursued his own ideas regardless of circumstance.

Abdul Salam recalled that during the Salvation regime, Ahmed Osman Maki had originally been prepared to succeed Al-Turabi but later moved to the United States. He stated that Maki’s strong charisma may have made him unsuitable as number two, while Taha excelled at concealing his emotions and functioning as deputy. He said the two leaders worked in outward harmony during the early years of the regime before deep differences surfaced later.

Abdul Salam added that Taha admired Saddam Hussein’s model of governance and believed Sudanese society was not ready for liberalism or pluralism.

The Arab Spring and the Islamic movement’s decline

According to Abdul Salam, the Arab Spring was “harsh on the Islamic movement.” Although the regional wave ended around 2012, Sudan’s version of it erupted in 2019. He said the uprising struck Islamists hard and reflected the real sentiment of the Sudanese street.

He argued that during its years in power, the Islamic movement held a barely concealed hostility toward civil society, youth, women and the arts. Sudanese intellectual and cultural life, he said, naturally opposed the regime’s long authoritarian rule. The revolution’s slogans of peace, freedom and justice were not part of the movement’s vocabulary, and over time the movement evolved into a posture “contrary to Sudanese society.”

The Communist Party’s influence

Abdul Salam said the Sudanese Communist Party helped shape opposition to the Salvation regime. After the execution of its leaders in 1971, the party underwent major transformation, and after the collapse of the Soviet Union it fully embraced liberalism. He remarked that many young Sudanese seeking freedom, justice and an expanded role for women found the Communist Party closer to their aspirations than the conservative Islamist movement.

Responsibility for Sudan’s political impasse

Abdul Salam rejected the narrative that Sudan’s decades of military rule make the military solely responsible for the country’s crises. He stressed that responsibility also lies with the civilian elite. Officers were part of this elite, and civilians who supported them in government shared responsibility. Sudan’s civilian parties, he argued, lacked clear programs to address longstanding distortions inherited from the colonial era.

One of Abdul Salam’s most sensitive moments with Al-Turabi occurred on the eve of the Islamist split. He said he personally succeeded in arranging a meeting between Al-Turabi and Bashir after months of estrangement, trying to avoid complete rupture. Bashir proposed turning the party conference into a political showcase while setting aside differences. Al-Turabi agreed, but according to Abdul Salam, disagreements reappeared by the end of the day.

Writing Bashir's speeches and choosing a side

Abdul Salam described his relationship with Bashir as very good and said he wrote the president’s speeches from early 1990 until the late 1990s. The speeches reflected the movement’s overall positions.

When the split occurred, Abdul Salam aligned with Al-Turabi not on personal grounds, but because he shared his positions on democracy, public freedoms, federal governance and adherence to agreements with the South.

Abdul Salam said the relationship between Al-Turabi and Bashir resembles other regional cases involving a sheikh and a president only to a limited extent. Bashir was originally a member of the Islamist movement led by Al-Turabi and obeyed him even after becoming president.

The split emerged naturally once the visible authority of the presidency clashed with the hidden authority of the movement, “which was the one truly governing,” he said.