Djibouti President: We Are Monitoring Red Sea Developments, Reject Targeting of Our Land

Djibouti’s President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Djibouti’s President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Djibouti President: We Are Monitoring Red Sea Developments, Reject Targeting of Our Land

Djibouti’s President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Djibouti’s President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Djibouti’s President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh stated that his country is closely following recent developments in the Bab el-Mandeb region and the Gulf of Aden.

He emphasized his country’s commitment to securing the Red Sea and the strategic strait, and to facilitating international trade.

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Guelleh mentioned cooperation with major powers like the US, France, and Britain, as well as with Red Sea coastal states, particularly Saudi Arabia, to ensure maritime security, fight terrorism, and tackle regional and global security challenges.

Guelleh stressed Djibouti’s refusal to allow any party to be targeted from its soil. He pointed out that international military bases in the country are there to maintain global security, fight terrorism and piracy, and safeguard navigation in this crucial area.

He also discussed various topics, including the impact of China's Belt and Road Initiative on the Horn of Africa region and Djibouti’s neutral stance despite hosting military bases.

Djibouti-Saudi Relations

In assessing the current Djibouti-Saudi relations and their coordination, particularly in economic and political cooperation, Guelleh began the interview by praising Asharq Al-Awsat newspaper for its informative role in the Arab world.

He then highlighted that the ties between Djibouti and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia are robust and have deep historical roots since Djibouti gained independence in 1977.

“Cooperation is ongoing across various sectors, including security, military, and business,” said Guelleh.

“Since 2008, both countries have signed around 30 agreements covering diverse areas,” he revealed.

“Looking ahead, we aim to further strengthen collaboration, particularly in maritime transport, logistics, and port services, building on our significant progress in port development,” added the president.

According to Guelleh, efforts are underway to develop joint maritime and air transport projects, along with establishing a free zone and warehouses for Saudi exports within Djibouti’s International Free Trade Zone, aiming to boost Saudi exports to Africa.

As for how Djibouti can contribute to Arab-African relations, Guelleh said: “Geographically located on the southwestern shore of the Red Sea, Djibouti serves as a crucial link between Africa and the Arabian Peninsula.”

“This geographic advantage positions Djibouti to enhance Arab-African relations and play a key role in ensuring Arab national security,” he added.

Economically, Djibouti acts as a gateway for countries in the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) on the Red Sea.

Guelleh argued that Djibouti’s advanced port infrastructure significantly supports the development of Arab-African economic relations.

Following recent developments in the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, the Red Sea, and the Gulf of Aden, the president affirmed that his administration was keeping a close eye on events taking place near the Bab el-Mandeb Strait to ensure the security of these waters and facilitate global trade.

“It’s crucial to resolve regional crises and work together to keep navigation safe in the Red Sea,” stressed Guelleh, adding that Djibouti’s strategic position makes it vital for global trade.

“We collaborate with major powers like the US, France, Britain, and Red Sea nations, especially Saudi Arabia, to safeguard maritime navigation and combat security threats,” he revealed.

Regarding easing tensions, Guelleh said: “Our focus is on regional and global cooperation to maintain security and smooth navigation in the Red Sea, crucial for international maritime transport.”

Moreover, Guelleh reminded that Djibouti was among the first countries to endorse the establishment of the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden littoral states forum, including Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Somalia, Yemen, Sudan, Jordan, and Eritrea.

“Recognizing the significance of such a forum, we proposed early on that its headquarters be in Saudi Arabia due to its pioneering initiatives in the Red Sea security system since 1956,” said Guelleh.

Djibouti and Saudi Arabia’s Role in Red Sea Stability

When asked to shed light on how Djibouti and Saudi Arabia contribute to stability in the Red Sea region, and if there are joint efforts present in security, trade, and energy, Guelleh said: “Djibouti, given its strategic location at the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, plays a pivotal role in safeguarding Red Sea security.”

“With balanced relationships and a strong reputation for stability and peacekeeping in a tumultuous region, Djibouti stands as a key player.”

“Saudi Arabia, being a fraternal state, holds significant religious, political, and economic influence,” he added.

“The two brotherly nations cooperate in various fields, including security, trade, and energy.”

“Undoubtedly, this bilateral cooperation plays a vital role in achieving stability in this critical region,” asserted Guelleh.

The Sudan Crisis

Djibouti, as an IGAD member, is actively working to end the conflict in Sudan, stressed Guelleh, highlighting that Sudan, also a key IGAD member, is crucial for regional stability.

“Since the conflict erupted in April 2023, Djibouti has been urging an immediate ceasefire and negotiations between the parties involved,” said the president.

“As the current head of IGAD, Djibouti is working closely with member states and the global community to find a solution to Sudan’s crisis,” he added.

“We've hosted talks with representatives from all sides of the Sudanese conflict, all expressing a strong desire to end the war due to its severe impact on the country and its people.”

“We're hopeful that our efforts will lead to a lasting ceasefire and solutions to Sudan's challenges.”

“It's essential to prevent Sudan from descending into civil war, given its significant regional influence. We urge everyone to support international calls for peace in Sudan,” reaffirmed Guelleh.

Military Bases in Djibouti

While Djibouti maintains a neutral policy in the Horn of Africa, it hosts several military bases.

According to Guelleh, these bases aid his country’s efforts to fight terrorism and piracy.

When asked how Djibouti manages hosting both US and Chinese bases nearby, Guelleh said: “We maintain balanced relations with major powers, cooperating or making agreements with any party within the framework of national sovereignty and interests.”

“This approach demonstrates that coexistence is possible if there's a willingness to do so,” noted Guelleh.

“International military bases in Djibouti primarily aim to cooperate in maintaining security in the Red Sea region, the Gulf of Aden, and Africa as a whole.”

“Many countries with military bases in Djibouti emphasize protecting their commercial and investment interests.”

Considering Djibouti’s stance on China’s Belt and Road Initiative, the president reaffirmed that his country supports Chinese investments, seeing them as boosting economic growth in the region.

“China's Belt and Road Initiative is primarily commercial in nature, and Djibouti’s strategic location places it at the heart of this massive project,” he explained.

“We appreciate Chinese investments in our country, including the high-speed train linking Djibouti City and Addis Ababa, and Beijing’s contribution to Djibouti’s International Free Trade Zone, the largest in Africa.”



Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

In post-Saddam Hussein Iraq, the prime minister's office gained significant power. It became customary for the prime minister to be Shiite, the president Kurdish, and the speaker of Parliament Sunni.

This power-sharing arrangement, focusing on sectarian representation over institutional structure, has remained strong.

Attempts to break this norm have failed, including when former US President Barack Obama and his Vice President Joe Biden tried to support Ayad Allawi, a Shiite politician, for the presidency. The aim was to keep Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki in power with support from both Washington and Tehran.

Despite Allawi’s parliamentary majority win, he didn’t become president.

Arab states were slow to react to changes in Iraq, allowing Iran to step in. Iran supported the US-created Iraqi Governing Council and sought to bring together Shiite factions to join the political process.

Its influence grew due to its backing of groups that opposed Saddam Hussein. Iran gained a key role in Iraq, effectively having veto power over decisions and a say in forming governments, while also expecting an eventual US military withdrawal.

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, said Iran stepped in to fill a vacuum in Iraq, solidifying its role and protecting its interests.

This made Iran’s Quds Force commander Gen. Qassem Soleimani a key figure in Iraq, shaping everything from the reduction of US military presence to the formation of governments.

A foreign power’s influence in a neighboring country grows only if locals accept its role.

Soleimani and deputy leader of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis were killed in a US strike near Baghdad airport in January 2020.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Karim noted that Soleimani “was dedicated to serving his country’s interests, and the other side should have defended its own role and interests.”

He recalled Soleimani as being “skilled, effective, and able to earn trust, shifting from flexibility to rigidity when needed.”

This was clear in a letter Soleimani sent to Talabani when he considered supporting a no-confidence motion against Maliki’s government.

Karim also mentioned that al-Muhandis was deeply trusted by the Iranian general.

Talabani assigned his senior adviser various missions in Iran, focusing on forming Iraqi governments and relations with Kurdistan.

During a visit to Tehran, Adil Abdul Mahdi, who would later become prime minister, informed Talabani and Karim that “Soleimani’s claim that Iran supports Nouri al-Maliki for prime minister is false.”

“I was told that Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei supports me,” argued Abdul Mahdi at the time.

Talabani felt awkward despite being close to Abdul Mahdi. He asked Karim to visit Tehran, where he met Soleimani and al-Muhandis. Soleimani denied Abdul Mahdi’s claims, saying he could take Karim to the Supreme Leader to hear the truth.

For his part, Karim said the Supreme Council didn’t support al-Maliki and that influential cleric Moqtada al-Sadr’s stance was hardening. Soleimani assured that the Iranians were in contact with al-Sadr and would handle the issue of the Supreme Council.

When Karim returned, he informed Talabani and Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani that the Badr Organization, led by Hadi al-Amiri, had left the Supreme Council to join Maliki, shifting the balance and allowing the formation of a government without the Council’s interference.

Karim remembered that Iran initially supported Ibrahim al-Jaafari for prime minister (2005-2006). However, Jaafari quickly became a burden on the political process and Shiite leaders then signaled the need for change.

The US Ambassador advised Jaafari to resign, threatening him if he didn't comply.

Maliki’s name wasn’t initially considered; Ali al-Adib from the “Dawa” party, of which Maliki was a member, was the favored choice. But Maliki didn’t support Adib, so after deliberations, the party settled on Maliki instead.

Breakfast with Soleimani

Karim remembers a breakfast meeting with Soleimani and al-Muhandis. He brought up Maliki’s performance during his second term and the widespread corruption in Iraq.

Soleimani suggested discussing it further, but Karim insisted the issue was urgent.

He questioned why, if all major Shiite forces agreed, change couldn’t happen. Soleimani indicated that decisions within the Shiite alliance were made by those who remained in it, prompting Karim to ask if Soleimani was implying it was him. Soleimani then replied : “Think what you wish.”

Sadr’s misstep

In the post-Saddam Hussein era, Sadr emerged as a major political force in Iraq. He led a large popular and armed movement.

Dealing with Sadr was challenging for political factions, especially among Shiites. Some disputes even culminated in armed conflicts. Managing Sadr’s influence was difficult both internally and for external interests, especially given his unpredictability.

When asked about Sadr’s decision to quit politics in 2022, Karim called it a major mistake.

He believed Iraq suffered greatly from this move, as it left parliament without any influential Shiite force capable of standing up against decisions not aligned with common goals.

Karim highlighted that filling seats with losing candidates seemed odd and turned the minority into the majority, undermining the constitutional process. He also noted the Shiite community’s fragmentation, with many Shiites not participating in recent elections due to their disenchantment with the political parties.

Karim warned against underestimating the potential for renewed protests and uprisings among the marginalized against the government and ruling powers.

Sistani’s unexpected proposal

When discussing top Shiite Religious Authority in Iraq, Ali al-Sistani, Karim highlighted his political astuteness, surpassing the majority of other Shiite leaders. Sistani’s Friday sermons, delivered by his representatives, reflect this forward-thinking approach.

Karim noted a key observation about Sistani’s mindset. Despite corruption concerns, Sistani surprised Karim by suggesting bringing back the former Minister of Trade for his effectiveness in managing the ration card distribution.

He even proposed considering a Christian minister if they were honest and prioritized the people’s interests.

Furthermore, Sistani emphasized the importance of inclusivity in the new Iraq, advocating for the rights of Sunni and Kurdish components. He rejected marginalization and insisted on their participation and rights.

Sistani’s fatwa and the PMF

Karim believes that Sistani issued a fatwa on “jihad” to rally people against the significant threat posed by ISIS in 2014. He didn’t specifically mention the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) or any other organization but referred to volunteers.

“Many responded to Sistani’s call and made significant sacrifices alongside the armed forces and Peshmerga. Volunteers participated in liberating areas once occupied by the terror group,” said Karim.

Karim further noted that there was a belief that those who made sacrifices had the right to be part of the armed forces and receive state support.

“The idea of integrating militias or military entities into the armed forces is not new,” explained Karim.

“US diplomat Paul Bremer [the first post-invasion governor of Iraq] proposed something similar to factions and organizations under the banner of integration into the army, and steps were taken in this direction,” he added.

“The goal was to eliminate the threat of ISIS, not to create a parallel army or establish another institution.”