John Simpson: The More I Covered War the More I Hated it

A BBC journalist’s journey of 52 years… worldly interviews and crossfire

John Simpson: The More I Covered War the More I Hated it
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John Simpson: The More I Covered War the More I Hated it

John Simpson: The More I Covered War the More I Hated it

The waitress at London’s Landmark Hotel led me to his usual table in the corner, and there he was, an English, elegant man in his seventies. He was engrossed in an article on his MacBook. He greeted me with a warm smile. And after we exchanged pleasantries, he immediately assumed the role of the interviewer, forgetting that I was the one asking the questions. He soon realised and said, “I prefer asking the questions, as people’s stories and documenting the truth is my passion”.

To John Simpson, journalism is not a career, it is a calling. When he was only 15 years old he read George Orwell’s “1984”, and decided ever since to always be on the side of those who preserve memories rather than ones trying to erase them. He devoted his life to documenting history in public records.

Simpson’s name became linked to the BBC from day one. This partnership allowed for a journey of 52 years packed with adventures in over 120 countries, and 47 wars. Death brushed him ten times, and he lost one of his crew members in Iraq, a few metres away from where he was standing. As he grew older, his hatred for war grew with him. However, he refuses to allow those bad experiences to take control of his endless memories.

He told me about the time he snuck into Afghanistan in a Shadoor (Afghani Burqa), and how he discovered the Massacre of Sabra and Shatila in Lebanon. When he told me about his mock execution in the outskirts of Beirut, I felt I was there with him.

I asked him about his interviews with world leaders so he praised Mandela, told me he was charmed by King Hussein of Jordan, and expressed his annoyance with Khomeini. He even diagnosed Gaddafi with insanity.
One cannot summarize Simpson’s career in numbers and anecdotes, but interviewing him gave me an insider’s look at the world of journalism aimed at humanizing politics.

* You have covered tens of wars, and have become regarded as one of the most important British war correspondents. How do you feel about that?
I do not regard myself as a war reporter. I am really more of a diplomatic correspondent who strays into wars. I have covered around 47 wars all together, but it is not how I see myself. I see myself as somebody who is really interested in politics. Of course, wars are a nasty form of politics, so that is really why I have strayed into that. Also, not everyone likes to cover wars, but I do not mind. Like Martin Bell and the others, whatever happens I ought to report on it, and sometimes it is a war, sometimes it is a revolution..

* Claire Hollingworth late war reporter used to take socks and a toothbrush with her in a small rucksack to war. What do you take?
I am much less organized than her. I also take much more than Claire. I always carry some form of gadget for music whatever it may be, and I always carry one big book because you can get arrested or stuck somewhere and if you do not have anything to read that is absolutely dreadful. I am very forgetful. I often forget the toothbrush or the socks, but I never forget the music or the book.

* You have categorized wars in your last book as dirty wars, proxy wars, and so one. How is the notion of war changing today?
Back where Claire Hollingworth and Martha Gellhorn started, at the time of the Spanish Civil War, big powers were fighting. I think that is true for Syria and in other parts of the world where the big countries are moving in, paying people, supplying them with weapons and fighting out their ideological, religious or just purely political battles in other people’s territory. The idea of an all-out major war between powers, that seems to have vanished, the last example of that I believe was Saddam Hussein’s attack on Iran in 1980. I do not think we have had anything as straightforward ever since.

* In your Panorama special on the BBC in 2016, you predicted an isolationist America under Trump, and this year’s Munich Security Conference has come to a conclusion that diplomacy is dead. How do you perceive the scene now?
I think that is profoundly wrong about diplomacy, as I feel that it is all what we have got. It is a lifebelt that saves us from disaster. However, there are times where diplomacy goes silent, but it can never go away. I must say having covered 47 wars in 52 years, wars make me profoundly angry and as I have got older and have become a father again quite late in life, it has made me all the more angry. I have a hatred of war, that I suppose I previously did not have.

* How many times did you have a near death experience?
I have it written out actually. In 2016, pure chance, I had kidney failure and I lay there in hospital and was lucky to survive. I had nothing else to do on my hospital bed, and so I recalled all the times.. the Kidney failure was the 10th. Death has brushed me. It was not just the bullet that is fired here and there, it is the bullet what hits the wall right beside you. It has been bombs more than bullets for me, and knives and physical attack by groups and so forth in Northern Ireland, Iran, Lebanon (three times), and others. I know very well now what it feels like to be on the point of death and I have to say, it is not that disturbing.

* Would you count losing members of your crew more upsetting them?
That is far worse. When my translator was killed in 2003 during the invasion of Iraq, I could not see any reason to be still alive while he was dead. He was standing quite close to me and he had his legs cut off by a piece of shrapnel, and I just had a piece of shrapnel in my leg. It just seemed to me to be unfair that he died and I lived.

* Do you suffer from PTSD?
No. I do not believe in it. I have got friends who had suffered from it, so I know it does actually exist. I am not denying it, but it has not affected me. I am not saying that I go through those experiences and they do not matter, and that they do not have an effect on me. However, I do not believe in letting it affect me, and it has not. I do get little flashbacks of these things, but I do not feel of damaging flashbacks, they are more like memories. I will never forget the business of the mock execution I once had just outside Beirut during the civil war in the 80s. I knew the gun was not loaded, but it felt like a near death experience. I was made to kneel down. The guy put the gun behind my neck, I remember it with the greatest clarity, looking down at the sandy earth filled with cigarette ends, feeling that it was the last scene I would see, and then he pulled the trigger with no bullet and everybody laughed. I do have these memories, and I do think it is important to, but they are not my master, they do not control me.

* Do you prefer interviewing or being interviewed?
I much prefer interviewing. I do not like being interviewed.

* Is it because you would rather hear someone’s story rather than tell yours?
Yes. I am not very keen on talking. When I am with somebody who is talkative, I prefer getting them to talk.

* You say journalism is more of a calling than a profession, why did you become a journalist?
It is. It is not organized enough to be a profession. I became a journalist for rather noble reasons in a way, although I find it quite amusing to think of nobility and journalism in the same sentence. When I was about 15, I read George Orwell’s 1985 and it was wonderful. That idea that you could destroy the reality of the past by destroying documents, newspapers and memories, was such a concept to me. So I thought, whatever I do I will be on the side of the memories, not on the side of people trying to stop them. I still think that if you can get things out on the public record that is what counts. To tell people the truth has a serious effect on the way these events are seen. An example of that, the Chinese government for decades tried to make out that there was no massacre in Tiananmen square. I was there, I saw it. Every time I talk to a government official in
China I manage to get a reference to Tiananmen, and I always use the world massacre, and it causes upset and embarrasses people. We must not allow ourselves to forget what really, really, happened.

* You mention in your book that the kindest person you interviewed was Nelson Mandela. What was it like to interview him?
It is a big cliché and I know that, but he was the greatest person I ever interviewed. What made him the greatest was simply his normality and naturalness. You really could ask him anything and he would not have been offended by it. I asked him about corruption in South Africa for instance, which is a very sensitive subject, and he just talked through it. He was so honest and accepted that some of his ministers were corrupt. That is something you do not often see.

* You also note that some of the people you interviewed were impressive, some were not at all. Can you give examples?
I have interviewed a lot of people, many we impressive and a lot were not over the years. To me, it is their relationship to truth that makes them a serious interviewee or just another politician defending him or herself. I used to interview Margaret Thatcher quite a lot and she was terribly difficult to interview because she was so sharp and well informed and if you made any slightest little mistake she would be on you and she would correct you. I did not really like her very much as a person, but I did admire her. I have interviewed various Arab leaders over the years, amongst them was Bashar Al Assad.

* What did you think of him?
This was long before the war began. It was in 2006, and at that stage he seemed to me to be more like a North London Ophthalmologist than a Syrian president. I asked him quite a lot of difficult questions and he answered them all. I remember my producer was with me and he was very worried when I asked Assad about who was in charge in Syria, was it him or his brother or his uncle, and I heard my producer gasping, and he answered honestly. Now if you interviewed Assad you would sadly be talking about the most appalling violations of the rules of war and some of the worst examples of attacks on civilians in modern history, and he is responsible. He carries the burden of guilt for that.

* Which other interviews with Arab leaders resonated with you?
I interviewed Colonel Gaddafi several times, and I thought probably he was insane, he was just a weirdo. I am never still to this day, even after talking to several people who worked for him or knew him, quite been able to understand how he managed to survive because he was really off the wall and a very nasty character, and now we know the details. To me he seemed eccentric to the point of craziness. I also interviewed the late king of Saudi Arabia, King Abdullah bin Abdel Aziz. He was very charming, and very sharp. He was absolutely delightful, and walking away from the interview I felt much better to having met this person. Not many politicians give you that feeling. He was a very thoughtful man. Another interview I remember was with King Abdullah of Jordan. Delightful. My favorite really in many ways was the late King Hussein of Jordan. He was such a charmer and his sons got those same qualities. I just think that Abdullah has done extraordinarily well.
The list also includes various prime ministers of Lebanon but they do come and go a little bit more. I have also specialized in Iran even before the revolution. Now, sadly Tehran is so terrified by the BBC Persian service they have placed a total block on anybody from the BBC going there. I would like to go back to Iran on holiday. I tried to also learn Farsi. I interviewed Ayatollah Khomeini.

*What did you think of Al Khomeini?
He was absolutely firmly lodged in the past. All his concerns were related to the Shah’s father and to the Shah himself and to the role the Western countries played in helping the Shah and all of that kind of stuff. He was also concerned about fighting Saddam Hussein, and I do not think it was anything more in his life except that. He was very withdrawn and did not want to have any kind of relationship with his interviewer. Rafsanjani who took over from him was a lot funnier and more charming. He was more interesting and far more plugged into the realities of the real world.

*What about American Presidents?
Historically, I was not very involved in reporting from America, as the BBC has a big bureau there. There was rarely a need for me to go there. I have however met and got to know many of the American Presidents like Bill Clinton and George Bush Sr. I also met Obama, and felt he was light weight even though he is intelligent. He wanted to be liked too much. I was from the start a little less enthusiastic about his presidency than a lot of people were. Decent man no question, but not very good as a president.

*You mention in your book that a scoop should be sacrificed for the sake of checking and verifying the news before broadcasting it. The BBC does not tend to break news to the public. What do you think of that?
They never did. They are uncomfortable with stories that only one of their correspondents has got. You can feel the sense of their relief when other newspapers and outlets pick the news up. An example from a long time ago is the massacre in Sabra and Shalita in 1982. It was something which together with another BBC correspondent we were the first people to come across. Even when we broadcast the pictures of the piles of bodies I could see that the BBC was uncomfortable about it. Fortunately quite soon, it got picked up by Reuters and everybody relaxed. For the BBC the most important thing is to get it right not to get it fast. I believe in that, but it is sometimes very frustrating. I did some reporting in Iraq about abnormalities in children being born, and clearly there was something very wrong in this town, the doctors all said it. It was difficult to get to because ISIS was taking hold of the town then. It was dangerous to get to, and we got lots and lots of pictures with children with dreadful abnormalities, and proof of why it might have happened and seemed to be something to do with the weapons that the Americans had used when they stormed the town, but the BBC was terribly nervous about it. We used it in the end, but the editors were scared.

* You have done things that were not very safe, like in Afghanistan. Can you tell me more about that?
I have done a lot of crazy things in Afghanistan without necessarily setting out to do that. in 1989 when the Russian troops were just withdrawing a cameraman and I were smuggled in to Kabul by one of the fighter groups. We did not realise how dangerous it was. we were betrayed to the secret police and there was a shootout. We kind of got out stepping over the bodies of secret policemen who were attacking the house where we had been hiding. I have near thought it was something to be terribly proud of, as it sparked a fight with casualties, but it was a major story at the time, and the story was how deeply the fighters had infiltrated the government structure in Kabul. It was exciting and alarming. After 9/11, the Taliban closed of Afghanistan completely, and said that any journalists found there will be dealt with. I do not like people telling i cannot do things, so i got a group of smugglers in Pakistan who smuggled goods into Afghanistan, to agree to take me and they said the only they would do it if you and your cameraman wear a Burka and we did that.

*How did you feel wearing a Burka?
Horrible. You feel so powerless. You just have that little panel with lace on it. It is amazing how quickly you start obeying other people's instructions just like Afghan women tend to do that. it was not sensible, but i am too old to be sensible.

*Did you feel that you had to fight to be sent by the BBC everywhere?
Quite often I did, In a big organization like that, there are so many competing groups. it is a very competitive environment. I had to pull out all the stops, from bullying to contacts. It does not make me popular with my colleagues, which is sad, but there are more important things than popularity.

*You were the first BBC correspondent to use the Online Service for reporting. Tell me more?
Yes I think I was. What I really was genuinely the first person in the world to do, in Afghanistan in 2001 I was able to broadcast from there live from a battle. things going off all around us.

*You are very caught up with technological advances; you have a verified twitter account. why is that so?
You have got to keep up. A fellow BBC journalist friend of mine still uses a typewriter. I think if you step out of the line as it is moving forward, you just end up being completely forgotten about. I now rather enjoy Twitter and I am still not very good at Facebook. The technology is terribly important particular in television and you have got to keep up. When you get to my age its quite easy to stop, but I feel the need to keep on pushing myself.

*What is the most essential advice you can give to young journalists?
We are living in a different kind of world, where newspapers and television and radio news are much less popular than they were. People do not want to know about things. They want to just be in their little echo chamber where they just hear the views that they like to hear which is disturbing. I just feel that young journalists in particular have to be aware of that and have to fight against it. It is the death of real journalism if we just simply write and broadcast about things that will please people. You have to challenge the other peopple’s views of things, and keep on forcing it through. It is more difficult now because institutional journalism is on the way down. We need good young journalists more than any other stage. It is not a profession that makes money. You do not get rich by being a journalist, and you should not ever want to. You absolutely have to be true to the kind of voice inside you and not be somebody else’s employee.

*What is your next project?
I have decided to turn to fiction and am currently writing a novel about Russia. More important to me is my television work. 25 years ago, I went to Brazil to the farthest reaches of the amazon and I met a tribe there that never had any contact with the outside world. They were lovely. Now I want to go back and see what has happened to them, and I am scared that they would all be wearing Manchester United t-shirts.



Healey to Asharq Al-Awsat: UK Has More Jets Flying in the Region Than at Any Time in the Last 15 Years

British Secretary of State for Defense John Healey arrives for a cabinet meeting at 10 Downing Street in London, Britain, 24 March 2026.  EPA/ANDY RAIN
British Secretary of State for Defense John Healey arrives for a cabinet meeting at 10 Downing Street in London, Britain, 24 March 2026. EPA/ANDY RAIN
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Healey to Asharq Al-Awsat: UK Has More Jets Flying in the Region Than at Any Time in the Last 15 Years

British Secretary of State for Defense John Healey arrives for a cabinet meeting at 10 Downing Street in London, Britain, 24 March 2026.  EPA/ANDY RAIN
British Secretary of State for Defense John Healey arrives for a cabinet meeting at 10 Downing Street in London, Britain, 24 March 2026. EPA/ANDY RAIN

British Defense Secretary John Healey revealed Wednesday that UK pilots and aircrew have flown over 1,200 hours on defensive missions across the Middle East since the conflict with Iran erupted, saying they have now had over 80 engagements together with RAF Regiment Gunners.

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat following his visit to Saudi Arabia, Healey said that the UK has around 1,000 personnel in the region and an extra 500 air defense personnel in Cyprus.

“I continue to work closely with our partners in the region on what further support we can provide,” he said, lauding the UK-Saudi Arabia defense partnership which he said is “founded on mutual security interests and longstanding industrial collaboration.”

“Although our friendship is historic, it has evolved into a modern partnership that responds to contemporary challenges,” he added.

On ties between Moscow and Iran, Healey did not rule out a hidden Russian hand behind some of the Iranian tactics.

The following are the key points from the interview:

80 engagements

“UK pilots and aircrew have flown over 1,200 hours on defensive missions across the region. Together with our RAF Regiment Gunners, they have now had over 80 engagements since the conflict began,” said Healey.

“I am proud of the work that our UK Armed Forces are doing alongside our Gulf partners to help keep people safe in the region. Their dedication and professionalism is helping to save lives as Iran indiscriminately targets countries across the Gulf,” he added.

Heavy Deployment

“The UK has around 1,000 personnel deployed to the region, not including our personnel in Cyprus,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat. “Force protection is at the highest levels for UK bases in the region.”

“We have more UK jets flying in the region than at any time in the last 15 years. We are undertaking defensive counter air operations over Bahrain, Jordan, Qatar, and the UAE as well as Cyprus,” he said.

“Since January, I have deployed extra equipment and people to the region. This includes Typhoon and F-35 jets, Wildcat helicopters armed with purpose-built counter-drone Martlet missiles, a Merlin Crowsnest helicopter, providing airborne surveillance and control plus radar systems, air defense systems and counter-drone units.”

He added that there are now an extra 500 air defense personnel in Cyprus, and the warship, HMS Dragon - which is fully integrated within the layered air defense system with allies and partners - is deployed in the Eastern Mediterranean.

Defense Systems to Support the Gulf

“I continue to work closely with our partners in the region on what further support we can provide, which was the purpose of my visit (to Riyadh) this week,” Healey told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“I confirmed during my meeting with the Defense Minister, His Royal Highness Prince Khalid bin Salman Al Saud, that we will deploy Sky Sabre to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia - an air defense system that will be integrated into Saudi Arabia’s defenses to support Saudi Arabia's efforts in repelling Iran's attacks,” he added.

He also said that Rapid Sentry – a system made up of a radar and a missile launcher – was deployed to Kuwait, and Lightweight Multiple Launchers to Bahrain.

“We have extended the operations of our jets in Qatar which are flying defensive missions every night, and through Taskforce Sabre we're ensuring UK industry steps up too. The Taskforce brings together industry who offer counter drone and air defense capabilities with governments, including Gulf partners ... to rapidly provide them with the equipment they need.”

Advanced defense partnership with Saudi Arabia

On his visit to Saudi Arabia, he said the trip was aimed at showing support “during this period of sustained and indiscriminate Iranian attacks, and also to discuss further cooperation between our nations to protect our people and our shared interests in the Kingdom. That's why I was delighted to meet with His Royal Highness Prince Khalid bin Salman to discuss recent events in the region.”

“The UK and Saudi Arabia have a close, longstanding friendship, and share a decades-long defense partnership, founded on mutual security interests and longstanding industrial collaboration.”

That friendship “has evolved into a modern partnership that responds to contemporary challenges. This really matters in times like today: it means we have the trust and the shared understanding to respond quickly and decisively when the security environment demands it. It is precisely because of that deep foundation that we are able to act as we have done, such as deploying Sky Sabre to Saudi Arabia.”

Russian-Iranian cooperation

On Russia’s role in the Iran war, Healey said: “Our assessment is that, even prior to US and Israeli strikes, Russia highly likely shared intelligence and provided training to Iran, including on things such as drone technology and operations, and electronic warfare. And our intelligence also indicates that this cooperation is ongoing.”

“No one will be surprised that Putin’s hidden hand may be behind some of the Iranian tactics and potentially some of their capabilities as well. We see an axis of aggression between Russia and Iran - two countries that menace their neighbors and that pose a threat more widely to us all.”

No assessment on targeting Europe

Healey said that there is no assessment Iran is trying to target Europe with missiles. “Even if they did, we have the resources and alliances we need to keep the UK and our allies safe from any kind of attacks, whether it's on our soil or from abroad. The UK stands ready 24/7 to defend itself and protection of forces is at the highest levels for our bases in the region.”


Spain’s FM Backs Saudi Arabia, Tells Asharq Al-Awsat that Iranian Attacks Are ‘Unjustified’

Spanish Foreign Minister Jose Manuel Albares. Photo: Foreign Ministry
Spanish Foreign Minister Jose Manuel Albares. Photo: Foreign Ministry
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Spain’s FM Backs Saudi Arabia, Tells Asharq Al-Awsat that Iranian Attacks Are ‘Unjustified’

Spanish Foreign Minister Jose Manuel Albares. Photo: Foreign Ministry
Spanish Foreign Minister Jose Manuel Albares. Photo: Foreign Ministry

Spanish Foreign Minister Jose Manuel Albares has expressed Madrid’s support to Saudi Arabia, describing Iranian attacks on the Kingdom and other countries in the Gulf as “unjustified.”

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat published Thursday, the minister revealed that efforts were being exerted by Spain as part of several European countries and in coordination with nations in the Middle East to de-escalate, resort to diplomacy and put an end to the US-Israeli-Iranian war.

Albares said “Spain has openly condemned” the Iranian attacks and summoned Iran’s ambassador to convey “its firm rejection of violence.”

The Spanish Foreign Ministry also “called for an immediate cessation of these attacks," he said.

“The attacks conducted by Iran are completely unjustified,” Albares told Asharq Al-Awsat, while stressing full solidarity with Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries against the Iranian attacks.

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has recently received a phone call from the Spanish Prime Minister, Pedro Sanchez, who expressed “Spain’s support and solidarity in light of the unjustified attacks that the country is suffering.”

“Spain's stance is firmly rooted in defending international law and the United Nations Charter, rather than the principle of might makes right,” said Albares.

This message has been conveyed to Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Oman, Qatar, Jordan, Türkiye, Egypt, Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan, he added.

Call for de-escalation and negotiation

“Spain advocates de-escalation, negotiation, and respect for international law. Our voice aims to bring reason and restraint to the current situation. We cannot accept the idea of war becoming a means by which countries interact with one another or a mechanism for establishing a balance of power in the Middle East. Violence never brings peace, stability or democracy; it only creates more violence and chaos,” said the minister.

“In light of this military escalation, Spain is acting coherently in accordance with the values of peace and solidarity that define Spanish society — values that are also shared by the majority of European states. Our country makes its decisions in line with European principles, the UN Charter, and international law,” he added.

The war has already had consequences that extend beyond the Middle East. For example, it has affected Cyprus and Türkiye, he said, warning that this increases the risk of the ongoing conflict spreading beyond the region.

The minister told Asharq Al-Awsat that the war is also affecting international trade and production of energy, which have a direct impact on global economies and geopolitics.

“The unpredictable consequences of the current conflict are making the situation extremely dangerous for the security and stability of the Middle East, including the Gulf states, which are being particularly targeted,” he said in response to a question.

Countries involved in the confrontation

Albares spoke about the situation of several countries in the region, including Lebanon, which he said “is facing a dramatic situation with numbers of victims increasing daily, an overstretched medical system incapable to attend them, more than a million of displaced people, and the destruction of civil infrastructure. The life of the people of Lebanon is disappearing before their eyes.”

He said Spain has condemned the attacks carried out by Hezbollah, that are fueling the spiral of confrontation, as well as Israel's attacks. “An Israeli land invasion is already ongoing, a grave error in a country that has already endured immense suffering.”

“We cannot ignore the attacks by Israel and non-State actors on UN forces, on UNIFIL, in which Spain has a significant presence, nor the repeated violations of international humanitarian law," Albares said.

The minister also expressed concern over the situation in Gaza and the West Bank. “There is no clear vision for the future, and humanitarian aid is not reaching the area, with access blocked and NGOs and humanitarian actors prevented to operate on the ground. In the West Bank in particular, settlement expansion and settler violence continues to increase with impunity,” he said.

High-risk situation defined by an unpredictable conflict

“We are facing an escalation of violence that has already killed thousands of people and negatively impacted maritime navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, and critical energy infrastructures, with direct consequences for global energy security,” he said.

“In short, it is an extremely high-risk situation defined by an unpredictable conflict that poses a direct threat to the security and stability of the Middle East, with repercussions that can be felt across the globe,” he added.

Asked about his views of the Gulf's concern about the war’s repercussions, Albares said: “Spain fully understands the Gulf countries' concerns about the consequences of this war. This has been reflected in the diplomatic outreach that I have conducted with my counterparts in the region.”

“Increasing insecurity in countries under attack from missiles and drones without justification — attacks that Spain firmly condemns — particularly those launched by Iran, contribute to an increasingly dangerous and complex situation. In this context, Spain advocates clear de-escalation, negotiation and respect for international law, insisting that we must avoid anything that adds to the tension.”

He added that “the situation in the Strait of Hormuz is also extremely worrying, as its impact on energy security and international trade is clear.”

He stressed that the conflict has human and humanitarian dimensions, such as loss of life and displacement, warning that this could have direct consequences also in Europe. So, he called for “a responsible solution based on solidarity.”

Unified position

“The only clear thing is that a response is necessary, and in this sense, Spain supports a response based on the unity of the international community around the universal applicability and respect of International law and the UN Charter,” said Albares.

Asked to what extent the current situation is likely to explode into a broader war,” the minister said: “The consequences of the actions of Israel, as well as Iran’s response, are unpredictable. We are entering a situation that makes it difficult to determine where the escalation could lead and what the ultimate effects could be.”


Al-Khanbashi to Asharq Al-Awsat: We Warn Against Incitement, Hadramout Has Room for All

Governor of Hadramout, Salim Al-Khanbashi delivers a press conference in the city of Mukalla in Yemen's coastal southern Hadramout province on January 19, 2026. (Photo by FADEL SENNA / AFP)
Governor of Hadramout, Salim Al-Khanbashi delivers a press conference in the city of Mukalla in Yemen's coastal southern Hadramout province on January 19, 2026. (Photo by FADEL SENNA / AFP)
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Al-Khanbashi to Asharq Al-Awsat: We Warn Against Incitement, Hadramout Has Room for All

Governor of Hadramout, Salim Al-Khanbashi delivers a press conference in the city of Mukalla in Yemen's coastal southern Hadramout province on January 19, 2026. (Photo by FADEL SENNA / AFP)
Governor of Hadramout, Salim Al-Khanbashi delivers a press conference in the city of Mukalla in Yemen's coastal southern Hadramout province on January 19, 2026. (Photo by FADEL SENNA / AFP)

Presidential Leadership Council (PLC) member and Governor of Yemen's eastern Hadramout province Salem al-Khanbashi says he believes that “Hadramout triumphed for itself,” and that what took place there in December 2025 and early January 2026 marked a decisive moment in which Hadhramis reclaimed their right to protect their identity and blocked any political project seeking to dissolve the “Hadhrami self” under the slogans of outsiders.

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat Podcast, recorded in Riyadh on February 9, 2026, al-Khanbashi advised the new Yemeni government led by Dr. Shayea al-Zindani to steer clear of partisanship, raise performance levels, and combat corruption. During the discussion, he presented his account of events, framing the operation as a “takeover of military camps,” not the “ignition of a war.” He broadened the discussion to what he views as the priority of the current phase: consolidating stability, activating development, and opening the door to long-awaited Hadhrami investments returning home.

“Liberate us" from ourselves?

In describing the outcome of the confrontation, the deputy rejects reducing the picture to who won and who lost. He says the real victory was achieved when the people of Hadramout rejected the notion that someone could arrive and say, “We came to liberate you,” asking: “Liberate you from whom? From ourselves?” He stresses that the governorate, with its history stretching back “thousands of years,” cannot have another identity imposed upon it. He records his appreciation for those who stood in defense of this distinctiveness, while at the same time extending explicit thanks to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, its leadership and role, which he said was a key player in containing last month’s events.

On the moment he was tasked with the governorship at an extremely sensitive time, al-Khanbashi recounts that he was residing in Hadramout and did not leave except when necessary, before receiving a call from President Rashad al-Alimi and from parties including Saudi officials and colleagues on the Leadership Council, asking him to assume responsibility for the governorate “because we need you.”He says he tried to decline, but accepted under the pressure of “necessity,” emphasizing that he is a son of Hadramout who spent most of his life there, and that he accepted the post fully aware of the weight and complexity of the phase.

The picture becomes heavier as al-Khanbashi moves to his successive roles: governor, then commander of the National Shield Forces in Hadramout , then a member of the Leadership Council with the rank of vice president. He deliberately labels the January operation a “battle to take over the camps,” so that it would not be understood as targeting civilian society or as a search for settling scores.

Al-Khanbashi says his overriding concern was to spare Hadramout street fighting, protect civilian infrastructure, and minimize human losses. He describes the operation as “swift and decisive,” with a limited number of casualties.

Securing withdrawals... and a political outlet

Asked whether the military operation in Hadramout ended with reprisals against opponents, al-Khanbashi is keen to deny this. He says the withdrawal of departing forces was secured and that they were not subjected to any military or popular harassment. “We instructed that no one who was in the Southern Transitional Council, whether military or civilian, be harmed,” he says. At the same time, he explains that he took decisions to dismiss certain security and military leaders accused of involvement in looting weapons and ammunition or of poor performance, and that they will be referred for accountability in accordance with what they committed against the governorate.

Amid this, al-Khanbashi reiterates a message he wants widely understood: “Hadramout has room for all.” He calls for civic conduct that avoids incitement, and warns against marches he believes target civil peace and provoke the local scene.

He again urges adherence to civil behavior without incitement, citing gatherings that took place in early February 2026 in Seiyun. He suggests they were not spontaneous, saying: “We have evidence that these people were paid, and we want them not to force us to take measures involving a degree of coercive force against those who want to practice such acts. We are still under a state of emergency, and all measures can be taken.”

In the broader political context, al-Khanbashi speaks of moves to convene a broad Hadhrami meeting in Saudi Arabia bringing together political and social components, including Hadhramis from the Southern Transitional Council, with the aim of preparing a unified vision in the name of Hadramout to be presented to the Southern Dialogue Conference. He notes that a preparatory committee was formed in Mukalla to draft a position reflecting “all societal and political forces” in the governorate, alongside a parallel desire to represent the voice of Hadhrami expatriates within a single vision.

Electricity and investment

Electricity tops the services file, according to the governor. He places it at the head of priorities, explaining that the needs of the coast and the valley differ, but the headline is the same: energy that does not meet demand, especially in summer, with humidity and heat on the coast and harsh desert conditions in the valley.

He speaks of support projects to generate 300 megawatts for the coast, and other projects for the valley, alongside proposals for gas-powered plants and private-sector solar energy options with capacities that could reach 150 megawatts. He believes that a medium-term solution is not a substitute for a long-term strategic project for a large gas plant capable of covering Hadramout's future needs.

From energy he turns to investment as the other face of stability. Al-Khanbashi lists opportunities he sees as promising: tourism, real estate, the export of high-purity gypsum, potential minerals, coal in specific areas, black sands and heavy elements, fisheries, and the idea of aquaculture. He recalls his participation in a Hadhrami investment conference, calling on businessmen to balance their external investments with investing in Hadramout, while pledging to provide facilitation and an attractive environment.

On government affairs, al-Khanbashi describes the discussions that preceded the formation of the new government as having focused on criteria of competence, experience, and geographic balance, while rejecting the principle of quota-sharing. He then offers three pieces of advice he places at the core of the government’s test: moving away from ego and partisan drift, combating entrenched corruption in several ministries, and raising the level of revenue collection and transferring it to the central bank, especially in revenue-generating ministries. He highlights the need to regulate the financial relationship between the center and the governorates in accordance with the Local Authority Law, arguing that strict application would ease many chronic problems.

He recalls Hadramout's experience with oil revenues before exports were halted, noting that the governorate received 20 percent of the value of exported oil and used it for development projects such as electricity, roads, health, and education, before this resource stopped after the Houthis targeted export facilities.

"No barriers" with Saudi Arabia

In assessing Saudi development support, al-Khanbashi links relief and reconstruction as a single window for enabling Yemen to overcome its crisis, pointing to packages of projects in electricity, roads, health services, and others within Hadramout.

He places this within a relationship he describes as intertwined, difficult to separate socially, economically, and politically, invoking the extended borders, shared tribes, and cultural ties, to conclude that it is not possible to erect a “barrier” between Hadramout and the Kingdom.

Asked about the moment that remained most vivid in his memory during the 48 hours of the operation, al-Khanbashi says he feared the forces might not withdraw easily and what that could entail in terms of destruction and casualties, before the operation ended in record time with limited losses. He says this is what he will continue to take pride in: that Hadramout succeeded in avoiding internal fighting. In his message to the people of Hadramout, he calls for unity, abandoning the causes of division, and prioritizing security and development, pledging that the expansion of stability will lead to a “bright development era” reflected in the lives of the governorate’s residents.