Still in Streets, Iraqis Say Problem is Poverty

Iraqi demonstrators rest in front of a mural painting in Tahrir Square during anti-government demonstrations in Baghdad on November 8, 2019. (AFP)
Iraqi demonstrators rest in front of a mural painting in Tahrir Square during anti-government demonstrations in Baghdad on November 8, 2019. (AFP)
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Still in Streets, Iraqis Say Problem is Poverty

Iraqi demonstrators rest in front of a mural painting in Tahrir Square during anti-government demonstrations in Baghdad on November 8, 2019. (AFP)
Iraqi demonstrators rest in front of a mural painting in Tahrir Square during anti-government demonstrations in Baghdad on November 8, 2019. (AFP)

Chants demanding complete regime change have echoed across Iraq for weeks, but what first brought demonstrators onto the street was the profound poverty of one of the world's most oil-rich countries.

And that is what has kept them there, with protesters brushing off the resignation of Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi as failing to root out the rampant corruption that denies them jobs and public services.

In the southern protest hotspot of Diwaniyah, one of the poorest agricultural areas in the country, Umm Salah has joined rallies every day outside the provincial council.

"I've suffered in my country, even though it's a rich country," she told AFP, carrying an Iraqi tricolor.

The 57-year-old widow has been protesting every day since October with her seven children, none of whom are employed.

They walk four kilometers (nearly three miles) to reach the protest camp as they cannot afford a taxi from the worn-down informal shelter where they live.

"My husband died four years ago because we are poor and couldn't afford medical treatment in private clinics or hospitals abroad," Umm Salah says.

Iraq suffers from an extremely dilapidated health care system, with hospitals severely under-equipped and doctors often threatened on the basis of political or tribal disputes.

A bleak future

Despite Iraq being OPEC's second-largest crude producer, one in five of its people live in poverty and youth unemployment stands at one quarter, the World Bank says.

The government has been the largest employer by far for decades but has recently struggled to provide jobs for a growing number of graduates.

Already, youths make up 60 percent of the 40 million-strong population, which is set to grow by 10 million more before 2030.

The future looks even bleaker given predictions that heavy crude exports -- which fund more than 90 percent of Iraq's state budget -- will become less profitable as the world shifts to other energy sources.

For now, protesters blame the staggering joblessness rates on a patronage system that hands out work based on bribes, family connections or party affiliation instead of merit.

Muhannad Fadel, 30, dreamed of a government post when he graduated years ago with a degree in physical education, but his diploma opened few doors for him.

After a brief stint as a university lecturer, Fadel sought other work but his monthly income didn't rise above $100.

"I started to drive a taxi but I was afraid some of my students would recognize me," he told AFP.

"Then I opened a little confectionery store on the ground floor of our home and I make around 5,000 dinars a day," or just $3, he added.

Scraping together some savings, Fadel could marry but not buy a house, so his new wife moved in with his family.

"Our whole family together earns $150 per month. How is that possible in one of the countries with the most oil in the world?" he said.

For him and many protesters, the root of the problem is a political class more interested in earning money and paying homage to regional backers than in improving Iraqi infrastructure, or people's lives.

"They're corrupt and steal the people's money to give to Iran and other parties," Fadel said bitterly.

Iraq is ranked the 12th most corrupt country in the world by watchdog group Transparency International.

A recent government probe found over $450 billion in public funds were lost to embezzlement, fake contracts or salaries for so-called ghost employees since 2003.

'They stole our oil'

"The deterioration of the economic conditions of Iraqis is the main reason for protests, as eight million Iraqis live under the poverty line," said Moussa Khalaf, an economic history professor in Diwaniyah.

A series of flare-ups before the major wave of protests erupted in October had hinted at the conflagration that was to come.

In September, local authorities began demolishing unauthorized houses in the city of Karbala, in Basra in the south and in the central city of Kut.

The settlements are home to three million Iraqis, many of them the poorest of the poor.

That same month, a young man in Kut died after desperately setting himself alight when authorities seized his mobile kiosk.

"You need an economic policy that makes use of resources based on scientific and economic facts, not on privileges or political gains," says Khalaf.

Protesters have clung on in the streets and public squares even days after Abdul Mahdi stepped down.

"Of course that's not enough," one young demonstrator in Baghdad's Tahrir Square told AFP about bringing down the head of government.

"We won't leave our barricades until the regime falls, until we get jobs, water, electricity," he said.

Another protester, 45-year-old Hussein Maneh, slammed the government for its years of failure.

"Since 2003, they've done nothing but increased poverty, destroyed agriculture and industry, impoverished schools and hospitals, created confessionalism, and stole our oil," he fumed.



Report: RSF Drone Strike on School Kills Two Children in Sudan’s Kordofan 

Displaced Sudanese gather near a food distribution point at the Abu al-Naga displacement camp in the Gedaref State, some 420km east of the capital Khartoum on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Sudanese gather near a food distribution point at the Abu al-Naga displacement camp in the Gedaref State, some 420km east of the capital Khartoum on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
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Report: RSF Drone Strike on School Kills Two Children in Sudan’s Kordofan 

Displaced Sudanese gather near a food distribution point at the Abu al-Naga displacement camp in the Gedaref State, some 420km east of the capital Khartoum on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Sudanese gather near a food distribution point at the Abu al-Naga displacement camp in the Gedaref State, some 420km east of the capital Khartoum on February 6, 2026. (AFP)

A drone strike blamed on Sudan's paramilitary Rapid Support Forces killed two children and injured 12 others Wednesday in the southern city of El-Rahad, a medical source told AFP.

El-Rahad lies in Sudan's Kordofan region, currently the fiercest battlefield in the war raging between the RSF and the regular army since April 2023.

"I saw a dozen students injured," Ahmed Moussa, an eyewitness to the attack, told AFP, adding that the drone had struck a traditional Quranic school.

El-Rahad, in North Kordofan state, was retaken by the army last February, as part of a rapid offensive that saw it push west to break a long-running siege on state capital El-Obeid.

The RSF has been trying to re-encircle El-Obeid since, including by launching successive drone strikes on the main highway out of the city, which connects the western region of Darfur with the capital Khartoum.

Since it began, the war has killed tens of thousands and left around 11 million people displaced, creating the world's largest hunger and displacement crises.

It has also effectively split the country in two, with the army holding the north, center and east while the RSF and its allies control the west and parts of the south.


Türkiye Signals May Launch ‘Simple’ Military Operation Against PKK in Iraq

PKK fighters in the Qandil Mountains of northern Iraq. (Reuters)
PKK fighters in the Qandil Mountains of northern Iraq. (Reuters)
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Türkiye Signals May Launch ‘Simple’ Military Operation Against PKK in Iraq

PKK fighters in the Qandil Mountains of northern Iraq. (Reuters)
PKK fighters in the Qandil Mountains of northern Iraq. (Reuters)

Türkiye has indicated it may launch a limited military operation against the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in the Sinjar region of northern Iraq, while stressing its readiness to work with any government that assumes power in Baghdad.

Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan said the PKK is set to become a major issue for Iraq, noting that the group does not control any territory inside Türkiye, but “occupies large areas in Iraq”.

“How can a sovereign state allow this?” he asked, adding that “changes could soon take place” in several areas, including Iraq’s Sinjar, Makhmour and the Qandil Mountains.

Fidan outlined what he described as the PKK’s current deployment, saying Makhmour, south of Erbil near the Nineveh province, hosts the group’s civilian structures, while Sinjar, northwest of Mosul near the Syrian border, hosts its armed elements.

He said the leadership and command structures are based in the Qandil Mountains, with other strongholds near Duhok lying outside the area covered by Türkiye’s ongoing Claw Operation.

In a televised interview late Monday, Fidan stated that Sinjar is surrounded by Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), revealing that Ankara has held around 20 meetings with PMF leader Faleh al-Fayyad to address the issue.

On possible military action against the PKK, he described it as “a simple military operation,” in which PMF forces would advance on the ground while Türkiye conducts air operations, estimating it would take two or three days.

Since 2024, Türkiye has pursued negotiations with imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan, which led to his call on February 27, 2025, for the group to dissolve and lay down its arms.

The PKK subsequently announced a ceasefire, declared its dissolution on May 12, 2025, and held symbolic weapons-burning ceremonies in the Qandil Mountains in July. In October, it announced the withdrawal of its fighters from Türkiye to areas in Qandil.

On Baghdad’s position, Fidan said the Iraqi government would be forced to demonstrate genuine political will toward the PKK, insisting that the group cannot remain in Sinjar.

Iraq began addressing the issue during the tenure of former prime minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi and that, under current Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, the PKK has sought to expand its presence in Baghdad, he remarked.

Baghdad is in the process of forming a new government, months after holding parliamentary elections.

Over the past two years, Ankara and Baghdad have established a high-level security coordination mechanism to confront the PKK, holding five meetings in both capitals. The latest took place in April. Following Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s visit to Iraq in April 2024, Iraq’s National Security Council formally designated the PKK a banned organization.

Fidan also said the Kurdish issue in Syria has direct implications for Iraq, hoping that Baghdad would draw lessons from recent developments in Syria, including the integration of Kurdish forces into the Syrian army, and take “prudent decisions to ease Iraq’s own transition”.


SDF Starts Withdrawing from Frontlines in Syria’s Hasakah  

Members of the SDF in Hasakah, northeastern Syria, on Tuesday during their withdrawal from frontline positions under an agreement with the Syrian government. (Reuters)
Members of the SDF in Hasakah, northeastern Syria, on Tuesday during their withdrawal from frontline positions under an agreement with the Syrian government. (Reuters)
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SDF Starts Withdrawing from Frontlines in Syria’s Hasakah  

Members of the SDF in Hasakah, northeastern Syria, on Tuesday during their withdrawal from frontline positions under an agreement with the Syrian government. (Reuters)
Members of the SDF in Hasakah, northeastern Syria, on Tuesday during their withdrawal from frontline positions under an agreement with the Syrian government. (Reuters)

The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) have begun withdrawing their troops from frontline positions in the city of Hasakah under an agreement reached with the Syrian government, according to news reports and photographs published by Reuters.

Earlier on Tuesday, SDF units started preparations to pull back from southern rural areas of Hasakah. Images circulated by local media showed SDF fighters withdrawing from the Panorama Roundabout checkpoint south of the city, ahead of handing it over to General Security forces.

The move followed a security meeting between the Internal Security Forces (Asayish) and Syrian security services to coordinate the deployment of internal security forces in the city, according to North Press.

Syrian security sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that implementation of the agreement is proceeding smoothly, including steps toward integration.

The SDF has nominated units to be incorporated as brigades within the Ministry of Defense, while some Asayish personnel are expected to join the General Security forces in predominantly Kurdish areas.

On Tuesday, the SDF also began withdrawing its military units and heavy equipment from contact lines inside Hasakah, particularly in southern neighborhoods around the Panorama Roundabout. This step is part of a permanent ceasefire and the launch of a gradual integration process stipulated in the January agreement.

Syrian affairs researcher from the Jusoor Center for Studies Mohammad Suleiman said the withdrawal involves redeploying SDF military forces from inside Hasakah to agreed barracks outside the city, including Dirbasiyah, Amuda, and the outskirts of Qamishli. At the same time, government internal security forces will deploy in the city centers of Hasakah and Qamishli to oversee security integration.

Suleiman noted differing interpretations of the agreement. The SDF considers the withdrawal limited to its military forces, with the Asayish remaining responsible for internal security, while the government views it as a timetable for a full SDF withdrawal from city neighborhoods.

He added that Syrian army units will also pull back to areas around Hasakah, including Shaddadi, while maintaining a ban on military forces entering cities, particularly those with a Kurdish majority.

The current phase marks the second stage of the agreement and includes the transfer of oil wells and Qamishli Airport to state control. A third phase will place border crossings under state control, notably the Nusaybin crossing with Türkiye and the Semalka crossing with the Iraqi Kurdistan Region.

The agreement also calls for the integration of Kurdish autonomous administration institutions into state bodies, stabilization of civilian employees, settlement of Kurdish civil and educational rights, and guarantees for the return of displaced residents to their homes.