Israeli Soldier's Plea Deal in Fatal Shooting Faces Scrutiny

In this March 21, 2019 file photo, Wafa Manasra, mother of Palestinian Ahmad Manasra, kisses him goodbye during his funeral in the West Bank village of Wad Fokin, near Bethlehem. In August 2020, Israeli military prosecutors offered three months of community service to a soldier who shot and killed Manasra, an unarmed Palestinian man who exited his vehicle to assist a second motorist who had also been shot -- in a case that has drawn renewed attention to a justice system that Palestinians and human rights activists say has created an atmosphere of impunity. The deal is now being reviewed by the Israeli Supreme Court. (AP Photo/Nasser Nasser, File)
In this March 21, 2019 file photo, Wafa Manasra, mother of Palestinian Ahmad Manasra, kisses him goodbye during his funeral in the West Bank village of Wad Fokin, near Bethlehem. In August 2020, Israeli military prosecutors offered three months of community service to a soldier who shot and killed Manasra, an unarmed Palestinian man who exited his vehicle to assist a second motorist who had also been shot -- in a case that has drawn renewed attention to a justice system that Palestinians and human rights activists say has created an atmosphere of impunity. The deal is now being reviewed by the Israeli Supreme Court. (AP Photo/Nasser Nasser, File)
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Israeli Soldier's Plea Deal in Fatal Shooting Faces Scrutiny

In this March 21, 2019 file photo, Wafa Manasra, mother of Palestinian Ahmad Manasra, kisses him goodbye during his funeral in the West Bank village of Wad Fokin, near Bethlehem. In August 2020, Israeli military prosecutors offered three months of community service to a soldier who shot and killed Manasra, an unarmed Palestinian man who exited his vehicle to assist a second motorist who had also been shot -- in a case that has drawn renewed attention to a justice system that Palestinians and human rights activists say has created an atmosphere of impunity. The deal is now being reviewed by the Israeli Supreme Court. (AP Photo/Nasser Nasser, File)
In this March 21, 2019 file photo, Wafa Manasra, mother of Palestinian Ahmad Manasra, kisses him goodbye during his funeral in the West Bank village of Wad Fokin, near Bethlehem. In August 2020, Israeli military prosecutors offered three months of community service to a soldier who shot and killed Manasra, an unarmed Palestinian man who exited his vehicle to assist a second motorist who had also been shot -- in a case that has drawn renewed attention to a justice system that Palestinians and human rights activists say has created an atmosphere of impunity. The deal is now being reviewed by the Israeli Supreme Court. (AP Photo/Nasser Nasser, File)

Ahmad Manasra was traveling home from a wedding when he spotted a family in distress on the side of a West Bank road. Moments later, the 22-year-old Palestinian was fatally shot while another Palestinian driver was seriously wounded - both by an Israeli soldier in a nearby watchtower.

The shootings are now the focus of a plea bargain offering the soldier three months of community service - a deal that has come under fierce criticism from the victims and their families.

It also revived accusations by Palestinians and human rights workers that Israel's military justice system is hopelessly biased and creates an atmosphere of impunity for soldiers suspected of violent crimes against Palestinians.

While the soldier has claimed he mistook the victims for attackers, and any indictment of a soldier is extremely rare, the proposed deal is now being reviewed by the Israeli Supreme Court.

"When it comes to clashes with the army or the police, it is very very rare that you will find a fair trial," said Shlomo Lecker, an Israeli lawyer who filed the appeal to the high court on behalf of the Palestinian families. Even by what Lecker considers the military´s lenient standards, "it will be hard to justify the sentence that the army is interested in," he said.

The shootings took place on March 20, 2019 near the West Bank town of Bethlehem. At the time, Manasra and three others were in a car, heading home from a wedding. They spotted a parked car and a woman screaming for help on the side of the road.

The woman´s husband, Alaa Ghayadah, had pulled off the road after a traffic dispute with another driver. When Ghayadah got out of his car, a soldier in a nearby guard tower shot him in the stomach, according to witness testimony gathered by the Israeli rights group B´Tselem.

Manasra´s co-travelers took Ghayadah in their car to a hospital, while Manasra offered to drive Ghayadah´s wife and two young daughters behind them. When their car wouldn´t start, he got out of the vehicle and was shot himself, according to B´Tselem. He was pronounced dead at a hospital.

In a statement, the army, quoting from the indictment, said the soldier had opened fire after assuming Ghayadah was throwing stones at Israeli motorists. It said the soldier "wrongly assumed" Manasra was the same stone thrower and fired again. It also said forces had received a report about "the possibility of a terror attack in the area" shortly before the incident.

It said that in the Aug. 17 plea bargain, the soldier was indicted for "causing death by negligence." It said victims were represented in legal proceedings and the various parties "jointly petitioned" for a sentence of "three months imprisonment served through military work," probation and a demotion to the rank of private.

"Complex evidentiary and legal considerations, significant operational circumstances of the incident and the soldier´s willingness to take responsibility were all considered," the army said. "In addition, the rights of the victims of the offense were preserved throughout the proceedings."

The victims strongly disputed the military account and said they never accepted the plea bargain. The military did not explain what appears to be a sharp discrepancy between its claims and the families' view of the plea deal.

Wafa Manasra, Ahmad´s mother, called the deal "unjust."

"The soldier killed my son in cold blood," she said. "My son wasn´t going to carry out any attack. He was going to help others when he was killed."

Ghadayeh, a former tile layer, said he can no longer work because of the severe damage to his stomach. He said he tried to work as a taxi driver but that also was too grueling on his body.

"If the soldier was sentenced to life in prison, that won´t be enough for me," he said.

Critics say potentially criminal shootings of Palestinians rarely result in convictions or even indictments.

B´Tselem, Israel´s leading human rights group, grew so frustrated with the military justice system that in 2016 it halted its decades-long practice of assisting military investigations.

According to the group, the plea bargain results from the first indictment in the death of a Palestinian in the West Bank since a landmark 2016 case in which a soldier was caught on video shooting and killing a badly wounded Palestinian attacker in the head who was lying on the ground. The soldier, Elor Azaria, served nine months in prison for manslaughter. B'Tselem says there have been at least 11 cases over the past two years in which Palestinians who did not pose a threat were killed while fleeing security forces.

The plea bargain is "not an aberration," said Amit Galutz, a spokesman for the group. "It is a policy of whitewashing and of protecting perpetrators instead of their victims."

In Israel, military service is compulsory for most Jewish males, and there is widespread sympathy for young soldiers. Azaria´s trial bitterly divided the country, with top generals saying he should be punished for violating a military code of ethics. But large segments of Israel´s nationalist right, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, pushed for leniency.

Emmanuel Gross, a professor emeritus at the University of Haifa´s law school and a former military judge, said military cases are different than civilian cases.

"A soldier finds himself on a battlefield. Therefore he is under constant threat to his life and must be aware to defend himself and his colleagues," he said. "You must take those circumstances under consideration."

Gross said that on the surface, the sentence in the Manasra case appeared to be "lenient and inappropriate." But he said the High Court could determine there were special circumstances that make the plea bargain reasonable.

Lecker, the Palestinians´ lawyer, said the families have few expectations that the plea bargain will be altered. "Just the fact that it will be reviewed by the court is an achievement," he said.



Report: RSF Drone Strike on School Kills Two Children in Sudan’s Kordofan 

Displaced Sudanese gather near a food distribution point at the Abu al-Naga displacement camp in the Gedaref State, some 420km east of the capital Khartoum on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Sudanese gather near a food distribution point at the Abu al-Naga displacement camp in the Gedaref State, some 420km east of the capital Khartoum on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
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Report: RSF Drone Strike on School Kills Two Children in Sudan’s Kordofan 

Displaced Sudanese gather near a food distribution point at the Abu al-Naga displacement camp in the Gedaref State, some 420km east of the capital Khartoum on February 6, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Sudanese gather near a food distribution point at the Abu al-Naga displacement camp in the Gedaref State, some 420km east of the capital Khartoum on February 6, 2026. (AFP)

A drone strike blamed on Sudan's paramilitary Rapid Support Forces killed two children and injured 12 others Wednesday in the southern city of El-Rahad, a medical source told AFP.

El-Rahad lies in Sudan's Kordofan region, currently the fiercest battlefield in the war raging between the RSF and the regular army since April 2023.

"I saw a dozen students injured," Ahmed Moussa, an eyewitness to the attack, told AFP, adding that the drone had struck a traditional Quranic school.

El-Rahad, in North Kordofan state, was retaken by the army last February, as part of a rapid offensive that saw it push west to break a long-running siege on state capital El-Obeid.

The RSF has been trying to re-encircle El-Obeid since, including by launching successive drone strikes on the main highway out of the city, which connects the western region of Darfur with the capital Khartoum.

Since it began, the war has killed tens of thousands and left around 11 million people displaced, creating the world's largest hunger and displacement crises.

It has also effectively split the country in two, with the army holding the north, center and east while the RSF and its allies control the west and parts of the south.


Türkiye Signals May Launch ‘Simple’ Military Operation Against PKK in Iraq

PKK fighters in the Qandil Mountains of northern Iraq. (Reuters)
PKK fighters in the Qandil Mountains of northern Iraq. (Reuters)
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Türkiye Signals May Launch ‘Simple’ Military Operation Against PKK in Iraq

PKK fighters in the Qandil Mountains of northern Iraq. (Reuters)
PKK fighters in the Qandil Mountains of northern Iraq. (Reuters)

Türkiye has indicated it may launch a limited military operation against the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in the Sinjar region of northern Iraq, while stressing its readiness to work with any government that assumes power in Baghdad.

Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan said the PKK is set to become a major issue for Iraq, noting that the group does not control any territory inside Türkiye, but “occupies large areas in Iraq”.

“How can a sovereign state allow this?” he asked, adding that “changes could soon take place” in several areas, including Iraq’s Sinjar, Makhmour and the Qandil Mountains.

Fidan outlined what he described as the PKK’s current deployment, saying Makhmour, south of Erbil near the Nineveh province, hosts the group’s civilian structures, while Sinjar, northwest of Mosul near the Syrian border, hosts its armed elements.

He said the leadership and command structures are based in the Qandil Mountains, with other strongholds near Duhok lying outside the area covered by Türkiye’s ongoing Claw Operation.

In a televised interview late Monday, Fidan stated that Sinjar is surrounded by Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), revealing that Ankara has held around 20 meetings with PMF leader Faleh al-Fayyad to address the issue.

On possible military action against the PKK, he described it as “a simple military operation,” in which PMF forces would advance on the ground while Türkiye conducts air operations, estimating it would take two or three days.

Since 2024, Türkiye has pursued negotiations with imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan, which led to his call on February 27, 2025, for the group to dissolve and lay down its arms.

The PKK subsequently announced a ceasefire, declared its dissolution on May 12, 2025, and held symbolic weapons-burning ceremonies in the Qandil Mountains in July. In October, it announced the withdrawal of its fighters from Türkiye to areas in Qandil.

On Baghdad’s position, Fidan said the Iraqi government would be forced to demonstrate genuine political will toward the PKK, insisting that the group cannot remain in Sinjar.

Iraq began addressing the issue during the tenure of former prime minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi and that, under current Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, the PKK has sought to expand its presence in Baghdad, he remarked.

Baghdad is in the process of forming a new government, months after holding parliamentary elections.

Over the past two years, Ankara and Baghdad have established a high-level security coordination mechanism to confront the PKK, holding five meetings in both capitals. The latest took place in April. Following Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s visit to Iraq in April 2024, Iraq’s National Security Council formally designated the PKK a banned organization.

Fidan also said the Kurdish issue in Syria has direct implications for Iraq, hoping that Baghdad would draw lessons from recent developments in Syria, including the integration of Kurdish forces into the Syrian army, and take “prudent decisions to ease Iraq’s own transition”.


SDF Starts Withdrawing from Frontlines in Syria’s Hasakah  

Members of the SDF in Hasakah, northeastern Syria, on Tuesday during their withdrawal from frontline positions under an agreement with the Syrian government. (Reuters)
Members of the SDF in Hasakah, northeastern Syria, on Tuesday during their withdrawal from frontline positions under an agreement with the Syrian government. (Reuters)
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SDF Starts Withdrawing from Frontlines in Syria’s Hasakah  

Members of the SDF in Hasakah, northeastern Syria, on Tuesday during their withdrawal from frontline positions under an agreement with the Syrian government. (Reuters)
Members of the SDF in Hasakah, northeastern Syria, on Tuesday during their withdrawal from frontline positions under an agreement with the Syrian government. (Reuters)

The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) have begun withdrawing their troops from frontline positions in the city of Hasakah under an agreement reached with the Syrian government, according to news reports and photographs published by Reuters.

Earlier on Tuesday, SDF units started preparations to pull back from southern rural areas of Hasakah. Images circulated by local media showed SDF fighters withdrawing from the Panorama Roundabout checkpoint south of the city, ahead of handing it over to General Security forces.

The move followed a security meeting between the Internal Security Forces (Asayish) and Syrian security services to coordinate the deployment of internal security forces in the city, according to North Press.

Syrian security sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that implementation of the agreement is proceeding smoothly, including steps toward integration.

The SDF has nominated units to be incorporated as brigades within the Ministry of Defense, while some Asayish personnel are expected to join the General Security forces in predominantly Kurdish areas.

On Tuesday, the SDF also began withdrawing its military units and heavy equipment from contact lines inside Hasakah, particularly in southern neighborhoods around the Panorama Roundabout. This step is part of a permanent ceasefire and the launch of a gradual integration process stipulated in the January agreement.

Syrian affairs researcher from the Jusoor Center for Studies Mohammad Suleiman said the withdrawal involves redeploying SDF military forces from inside Hasakah to agreed barracks outside the city, including Dirbasiyah, Amuda, and the outskirts of Qamishli. At the same time, government internal security forces will deploy in the city centers of Hasakah and Qamishli to oversee security integration.

Suleiman noted differing interpretations of the agreement. The SDF considers the withdrawal limited to its military forces, with the Asayish remaining responsible for internal security, while the government views it as a timetable for a full SDF withdrawal from city neighborhoods.

He added that Syrian army units will also pull back to areas around Hasakah, including Shaddadi, while maintaining a ban on military forces entering cities, particularly those with a Kurdish majority.

The current phase marks the second stage of the agreement and includes the transfer of oil wells and Qamishli Airport to state control. A third phase will place border crossings under state control, notably the Nusaybin crossing with Türkiye and the Semalka crossing with the Iraqi Kurdistan Region.

The agreement also calls for the integration of Kurdish autonomous administration institutions into state bodies, stabilization of civilian employees, settlement of Kurdish civil and educational rights, and guarantees for the return of displaced residents to their homes.