The ‘Impossible’ Relationship and History of Disputes between Lebanon’s Aoun, Jumblatt

President Aoun meets with PSP leader Jumblatt at the presidential palace in May 2020. (NNA)
President Aoun meets with PSP leader Jumblatt at the presidential palace in May 2020. (NNA)
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The ‘Impossible’ Relationship and History of Disputes between Lebanon’s Aoun, Jumblatt

President Aoun meets with PSP leader Jumblatt at the presidential palace in May 2020. (NNA)
President Aoun meets with PSP leader Jumblatt at the presidential palace in May 2020. (NNA)

The relationship between two of Lebanon’s most influential leaders, head of the Progressive Socialist Party Walid Jumblatt and President Michel Aoun, has always been fraught with tensions and a lack of “chemistry”.

The tensions go back to when Aoun served as army commander during the 1975-90 civil war and peaked ahead of his return to Lebanon from exile in 2005. They have continued to be strained with meetings between Aoun and Jumblatt far and few between ever since 2005.

Ties between Aoun and other Lebanese parties are not any better, but the way in which the Druze leader has chosen to wage his confrontation with the founder of the Free Patriotic Movement has set him apart from the rest. Jumblatt even went so far as to demand that Aoun be ousted as president, before retracting his statement, not for political reasons, but for practical ones, such as the sectarian Lebanese system and the cover provided by Hezbollah to the president – the Iran-backed party’s key Christian ally.

Just two days ago when commenting on Aoun and the FPM – which is now headed by the president’s son-in-law Jebran Bassil - Jumblatt openly declared “I don’t like them and they don’t like me.”

The statement sparked renewed accusations between MPs from Jumblatt and Aoun’s camp.

Impending ‘tsunami’
Going back in history, Jumblatt openly opposed Aoun’s heading of the army and a military cabinet in 1988, even deeming it a declaration of war. Aoun would soon after be exiled to France, during which he and Jumblatt witnessed a brief period of rapprochement.

That was later blown up when Jumblatt warned of an impending “tsunami” when Aoun announced that he would return to Lebanon in 2005. That would mark the beginning of a new phase of ebbs and flows in their relations.

The ties were often strained, with a few attempts at reconciliation and some brief meetings between the two leaders.

The cool relations were reflected in the very few meetings the Druze leader and Aoun have held over the years. They have been limited to official occasions and attempts at maintaining calm between Druze and Christian areas. In fact they can be listed in a short paragraph: Aoun met Jumblatt in al-Chouf in 2010 and took part in a mass service in Deir al-Qamar in 2017 to mark the 16th anniversary of the Mount Lebanon reconciliation. Jumblatt then paid a visit to Aoun at his Beiteddine summer residence and the president then repaid the visit by meeting him at his Mokhtara residence.

This last meeting was only held in wake of the 2019 Qabr Shmoun incident that witnessed clashes between Druze and Christians and threatened to ignite civil strife in the country.

Jumblatt last met Aoun at the presidential palace in May in an attempt to address “differences”, said the PSP leader at the time.

Every time they met, the two officials would talk about reconciliation and calm. But whenever Lebanon approaches a significant political development tensions would boil over again and the digging up of war acts would come up, casting doubt on the possibility that the two leaders would ever truly reconcile.

‘Policy of spite’
Each side of the divide has their own view of the dispute and each accuses the other of corruption.

The PSP believes that Aoun’s term and policies have led Lebanon to its current state of collapse, while the FPM says that Jumblatt is being so critical because he no longer enjoys the role of kingmaker at parliament.

PSP MP Hadi Abou al-Hassan told Asharq Al-Awsat that Aoun and the FPM object to criticism against their performance during the president’s term.

Calamities befell Lebanon ever since Aoun headed the military government and launched his “elimination war” and “war of liberation” in 1988-90, he charged. Both wars cost hundreds of lives and allowed Syria to tighten its grip over Lebanon.

He then returned from exile after striking a deal under the table with the Syrian regime and allied himself with Hezbollah in order to become president, reneging on all of his previous statements and stances.

“We have seen nothing but setbacks, missteps, crises and losses on all levels from him,” said Abou al-Hassan.

“Despite all of this, they (the FPM) claim to pursue reform and accuse everyone of corruption, while they are the most corrupt figures. The problem lies in the policy of spite that they adopt. They say one thing and do the other. This is what caused all attempts at reconciliation and rapprochement between the FPM and PSP to fail,” he stressed, criticizing the movement for questioning the sincerity of the Mount Lebanon reconciliation.

On the other side of the divide, FPM MP George Atallah said the PSP is attacking Aoun and the movement because of the political crisis Jumblatt is enduring.

He rejected all accusations of corruption directed at the president.

“At every turn they verbally attack and defame us because of the current political situation the PSP is going through after Jumblatt lost the influential position he had occupied for years,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“The parliamentary elections returned him to his natural size and he fears being prosecuted for his actions throughout those years,” he added, accusing Jumblatt of corruption.

Abou al-Hassan acknowledged that other forces besides the FPM have led Lebanon to the dire situation it is in right now, “but the movement, its allies and the president are in control and they have seized main ministries.” This includes the energy ministry that they have controlled for ten years and accounts for half of the country’s debts.

As for how long the confrontation between the PSP and FPM will end, Abou al-Hassan said: “We are not keen on pursuing futile disputes, but we cannot remain silent over what is taking place.”

“Reason demands that the president alter his course of action, otherwise be confronted with the need to change this team, starting with him,” he explained. “We realize how difficult this is due to sectarian reasons and the cover Hezbollah provides him.”

Atallah rejects such demands, saying those dreaming of the toppling of the president are “deluded”.

“Our policy will not change because it is based on the firm vision of breaking the entrenched system that the PSP is a part of,” he stated.



US Military Families Ride ‘Roller Coaster of Emotions’ Over Six Months of Iran War

This US Navy handout photo released on July 15, 2026 and taken on June 30 by US Central Command Public Affairs shows the Carrier Air Wing (CVW) 7 flying in formation over the USS George H.W. Bush (CVN 77) in the Arabian Sea. (AFP / US Central Command Public Affairs)
This US Navy handout photo released on July 15, 2026 and taken on June 30 by US Central Command Public Affairs shows the Carrier Air Wing (CVW) 7 flying in formation over the USS George H.W. Bush (CVN 77) in the Arabian Sea. (AFP / US Central Command Public Affairs)
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US Military Families Ride ‘Roller Coaster of Emotions’ Over Six Months of Iran War

This US Navy handout photo released on July 15, 2026 and taken on June 30 by US Central Command Public Affairs shows the Carrier Air Wing (CVW) 7 flying in formation over the USS George H.W. Bush (CVN 77) in the Arabian Sea. (AFP / US Central Command Public Affairs)
This US Navy handout photo released on July 15, 2026 and taken on June 30 by US Central Command Public Affairs shows the Carrier Air Wing (CVW) 7 flying in formation over the USS George H.W. Bush (CVN 77) in the Arabian Sea. (AFP / US Central Command Public Affairs)

Since the United States went to war with Iran six months ago, Courtney Sanders has been helping soldiers’ families fill the gaps left by their loved ones.

There are school pickups to coordinate, lost incomes to supplement — and the ever-present separation anxiety.

“It's like being on pins and needles all of the time,” Sanders said.

She leads the Chicagoland chapter of Blue Star Families, the nation's largest nonprofit serving military families, and her own daughters are in the US Navy. They have served in various overseas locations over the past six months, including the Middle East.

The US has more than 50,000 troops stationed across the region and has deployed thousands of additional Marines and sailors to support the war effort. Eighteen US service members have been killed in the conflict and more than 750 wounded.

During the war's on-and-off fighting, shuttle diplomacy and failed peace talks, military families have experienced a “roller coaster of emotions,” Sanders said. “The moment that you feel you're able to take a breath, you ‌get gut-punched again.”

These ‌are familiar pressures for the partners and children, mothers and fathers, of American troops. But ‌the ⁠suddenness of the Iranian ⁠conflict, and its fitful pace, have had a compounding effect, relatives told Reuters.

In a Blue Star Families poll of some 200 active-duty military families in early March, 81% reported elevated stress from the Iran conflict.

The group has responded by stepping up its programming, creating online resource hubs, hosting webinars and in-person meet-ups, and matching military spouses going through a deployment for the first time with those who have been through it before.

Many service members' deployments have been extended unexpectedly. The USS Abraham Lincoln aircraft carrier went more than 200 days without a port call — a modern-day record, according to Democratic lawmakers — and military outlets reported suicide attempts and declining morale among its 5,000 sailors and Marines.

US Defense Secretary ⁠Pete Hegseth said the reports “completely misrepresented” the conditions on board.

Some military families find themselves ‌in financial straits.

National Guard members, for example, often work regular jobs when they are ‌not deployed. The sudden loss of their main paycheck can make it hard for those left behind to keep food on the table, Sanders ‌said.

"There is a huge misconception in the civilian world that if you are in the military, all of your bills ‌are taken care of,” she said. “And that is just frankly not true.”

In a statement, the Pentagon said: "We see these families (and) we hear their concerns. We will do whatever is necessary to provide the resources, assistance, and stability they need and deserve during these challenging times."

'A LOT OF EMOTIONS'

Shannon, an Army spouse and mother of three in North Carolina who requested Reuters use only her first name for security reasons, tries to ‌tune out the news and the political debate surrounding the war.

In February, her husband deployed to the region with five days' notice and could only contact her sporadically for the first ⁠several months.

Although they have maintained ⁠near-daily communication since June, "there are a lot of emotions,” Shannon said, “especially when people are dying over there.”

Her children started therapy over the summer. She tries to be strong in front of them, but cries sometimes when they’re not around.

Soon after her husband's deployment, Shannon joined an Army-sponsored soldier-and-family "readiness group" within her husband's unit, helping organize meal trains and other support for family members in need.

"Every day is not going to be a great day, but you've gotta just keep going and keep yourself busy," she said.

In Virginia, Pat, a Navy spouse who also asked to be identified by her first name for security reasons, has tried to keep life as normal as possible for her children, who are in middle and high school.

Since her husband deployed about five months ago, Pat said, her neighbors have been "amazing" about helping with kid pickups and other chores.

Her family wears red on Fridays — a show of support for deployed service members — and so do many of her children's classmates, even those without military connections.

Pat's husband has deployed before. She was pleasantly surprised this time to discover his ship had Wi-Fi, making communication easier.

Still, her family is grappling with the uncertainty of when he will return.

"Having older kids and knowing that dad wasn't there to see those sporting events, some of that's been a little emotional," she said. "But my kids are very resilient."


Data Center Backlash Scrambles US Midterm Politics

In an aerial view, the Stargate Oracle AI data center campus is seen on August 26, 2026 in Abilene, Texas. (Getty Images/AFP)
In an aerial view, the Stargate Oracle AI data center campus is seen on August 26, 2026 in Abilene, Texas. (Getty Images/AFP)
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Data Center Backlash Scrambles US Midterm Politics

In an aerial view, the Stargate Oracle AI data center campus is seen on August 26, 2026 in Abilene, Texas. (Getty Images/AFP)
In an aerial view, the Stargate Oracle AI data center campus is seen on August 26, 2026 in Abilene, Texas. (Getty Images/AFP)

The data centers powering America's artificial intelligence boom have become an unlikely target in November's midterm elections, as anger over rising electricity bills and noise turns Democrats -- and a growing number of Republicans -- against Big Tech.

Candidates in at least 21 races across 18 states have aired television advertisements mentioning data centers this cycle, according to marketing data cited by US media, almost evenly divided between both parties.

On the grid serving Senate battleground Ohio, as well as 12 other states, demand from data centers drove up capacity costs by $9.3 billion in a single year, a 174 percent increase, according to an independent market monitor.

Anger over household bills has merged with a broader populist distrust of Silicon Valley, exposing lawmakers who, until recently, were courting the sprawling server farms with tax breaks and promises of jobs and investment.

In Texas, Republican Governor Greg Abbott has frozen new projects while regulators weigh their impact on power and water supplies. It was Abbott who, not long ago, called his state the "epicenter of AI development."

His Democratic challenger wants a moratorium until lawmakers pass stronger safeguards, and accuses Abbott of putting wealthy interests ahead of ordinary Texans.

In Brazoria -- between Houston and the Gulf Coast -- 44-year-old Melissa Burnett told AFP the serenity of her quiet neighborhood had been shattered by a 17-megawatt center last year that is "like a freight train always coming at you."

"We were not supposed to hear it, nor was it supposed to affect our quality of life, and it's just done the opposite, you know?" she said.

Almost alone among Republicans, President Donald Trump has not moved. He still calls the industry essential to beating China on AI, leaving him at odds with candidates running under his own banner.

- 'Sleeper issue' -

The midwestern former manufacturing hub of Ohio offers perhaps the sharpest test of the politics of data centers.

Sherrod Brown, a Democrat who lost his Senate berth in 2024, is running for the Buckeye State's other seat. Brown has run at least four ads attacking Republican Jon Husted for courting data center investment as lieutenant governor.

They brand Husted "the face of data centers," and Brown has promised to make operators pay the full cost of the power they use.

Senate Republicans have warned that the issue could cost Husted the race. Their campaign arm called data centers a "sleeper issue" and said a defeat blamed on them would chill political support for the industry nationwide.

The same argument is turning up in races that have little else in common: a Republican running for governor in Florida promising to shield families from facilities that push up utility bills; a Pennsylvania Democrat demanding that tech companies cover their own costs; a Wyoming Republican who won a House primary on advertisements attacking Silicon Valley billionaires.

In Michigan, the issue toppled two better-connected Democrats in a primary won by a leftist who said opposition had united committed Republicans, Trump voters, independents and Democrats.

- Both parties turn -

In Wisconsin, Republican gubernatorial nominee Tom Tiffany has taken to calling his Democratic opponent "Data Center David Crowley." Earlier this year Tiffany was praising the technology and voting to speed AI infrastructure through.

Tiffany now wants the state's tax incentives scrapped and the industry more tightly regulated, though he stops short of a ban.

Democratic governors are moving the same way.

New York has imposed a year-long moratorium on new hyperscale facilities, and Pennsylvania now requires developers to cover infrastructure costs and meet tougher standards on water use, hiring and community consultation.

Trump has not moved with them.

"America must remain dominant in the AI race that is the future. I think the American people understand that, and this president certainly does," his spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt said on Thursday.

His administration has signed up Google, Microsoft, Meta, Oracle, xAI, OpenAI and Amazon to a voluntary "Ratepayer Protection Pledge."

Under it, the companies undertake not to leave consumers paying for the power plants and grid upgrades their facilities require.

The pledge has not stopped the advertisements.


Killing of Palestinian Children and Teens by Israel Surges in West Bank

This photo taken on August 7, 2026 shows Palestinian woman Dania Abu Haikal, mother of seven-month-old Sam, who was killed by Israeli forces whilst sitting on his mother's lap in the car, stands for portrait while holding her late son's teddy bear in Bethlehem, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank. (AFP)
This photo taken on August 7, 2026 shows Palestinian woman Dania Abu Haikal, mother of seven-month-old Sam, who was killed by Israeli forces whilst sitting on his mother's lap in the car, stands for portrait while holding her late son's teddy bear in Bethlehem, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank. (AFP)
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Killing of Palestinian Children and Teens by Israel Surges in West Bank

This photo taken on August 7, 2026 shows Palestinian woman Dania Abu Haikal, mother of seven-month-old Sam, who was killed by Israeli forces whilst sitting on his mother's lap in the car, stands for portrait while holding her late son's teddy bear in Bethlehem, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank. (AFP)
This photo taken on August 7, 2026 shows Palestinian woman Dania Abu Haikal, mother of seven-month-old Sam, who was killed by Israeli forces whilst sitting on his mother's lap in the car, stands for portrait while holding her late son's teddy bear in Bethlehem, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank. (AFP)

Alia al-Hallaq's son Mohammed was nine when he was killed by an Israeli army bullet last October, but the Palestinian homemaker still speaks of herself as a mother of five, not four.

"I still haven't accepted the idea of the loss. I often sit in the courtyard of the house and look at Mohammed's grave below, and I cry while making sure that my children don't see me," she told AFP.

She said Mohammed was killed after running away from soldiers patrolling their village of Al-Rihiya, in the south of the occupied West Bank.

Hallaq's uncle, also named Mohammed Hallaq, told AFP that his nephew was killed by a stray bullet during a confrontation between the army patrol and a group of older youths.

The bullet travelled through Mohammed's abdomen, according to emergency services.

"Mohammed's killing was the end," his mother said.

The Israeli military, contacted by AFP for comment on Mohammed's death, said at the time that soldiers opened fire during an altercation while deployed in Al-Rihaya.

"Soldiers responded with fire toward the suspects in the rock-hurling. Hits were identified," it said, using language it generally employs to say troops shot and hit someone.

The killing of Palestinian children and teenagers by Israel has become increasingly common since the start of the war in Gaza.

B'Tselem, an Israeli rights group, reported 235 children and teenagers killed by Israeli forces in the West Bank since October 7, 2023 -- when Hamas launched a massive attack on Israel from the Gaza Strip -- through June 2026, including five killed by Israeli settlers.

The Palestinian Authority's Colonization and Wall Resistance Commission, a Palestinian government institution, reported 250 such deaths over the same time period.

In the 17 years between 2005 and 2021, an average of roughly one Palestinian child or teenager was killed by Israeli forces every month, according to B'Tselem, a frequent but much lower rate.

For the period since the October 7 attack, the average using B'Tselem figures is around seven killed per month.

- Bullets for stones -

AFP spoke to 12 women who lost children since October 7, 2023.

Although the details of each case differ, all spoke of family life stopped in its tracks and a lack of accountability.

Last year, of the 54 Palestinian children or teenagers killed according to B'Tselem, the youngest was just two years old, while the majority were aged between 14 and 17.

Teenagers are often killed when Israeli forces engage with Palestinian youths throwing rocks, whom they routinely label terrorists, and shoot them.

The Israeli military commander for the West Bank, Major General Avi Bluth, said in early 2026 that the army had killed 42 Palestinians for throwing stones in 2025, not specifying how many were minors.

In several other cases, usually involving younger children such as Mohammed, witnesses said the army had fired indiscriminately at Palestinians and killed children who were present.

One such casualty was seven-month-old Sam Abu Haikal, shot in the face by Israeli troops in the West Bank city of Hebron in June 2026.

- 'Palestinians don't get justice' -

His mother, Dania Abu Haikal, 28, told AFP she was also wounded when the troops fired at their car while Sam was on her lap, with a bullet entering through her cheek and exiting through her ear.

She bore a large scar on her face when she met with AFP at her home in Bethlehem, holding a stuffed fox that had belonged to her son.

"Why would anyone shoot an infant? What did a little baby, a seven-month-old infant, do to harm the soldiers?" Abu Haikal, a university lecturer, said.

After a preliminary investigation, the army said one of its soldiers had opened fire on "uninvolved civilians" after their vehicle accelerated in the direction of the troops.

Abu Haikal disputes this, and said her husband had brought their car to a stop before the soldiers started shooting.

She carries the agony of losing her only child on top of the physical pain from the shooting.

"I cry every day; now my life is empty without him," she said.

Like others whom AFP spoke to, Abu Haikal consulted a lawyer to push the army to investigate the incident fully.

"Palestinians don't get justice for being killed by Israelis. But we hope that we get justice."