Pro-Iran PMF Punished in Iraq Vote

According to results, the biggest winner of Sunday's election was the movement of Shiite cleric and political maverick Moqtada al-Sadr, who has been increasingly critical of Iran's influence over Iraqi politics. Ahmad al-Rubaye, AFP
According to results, the biggest winner of Sunday's election was the movement of Shiite cleric and political maverick Moqtada al-Sadr, who has been increasingly critical of Iran's influence over Iraqi politics. Ahmad al-Rubaye, AFP
TT
20

Pro-Iran PMF Punished in Iraq Vote

According to results, the biggest winner of Sunday's election was the movement of Shiite cleric and political maverick Moqtada al-Sadr, who has been increasingly critical of Iran's influence over Iraqi politics. Ahmad al-Rubaye, AFP
According to results, the biggest winner of Sunday's election was the movement of Shiite cleric and political maverick Moqtada al-Sadr, who has been increasingly critical of Iran's influence over Iraqi politics. Ahmad al-Rubaye, AFP

Iraq's election was a disaster for the pro-Iranian former paramilitary force Popular Mobilization Forces PMF al-Shaabi, with voters desperate for an economic recovery rather than shows of military muscle.

According to preliminary results the Conquest (Fatah) Alliance, the political arm of the multi-party PMF, emerged with only around 15 MPs from the October 10 vote.

In the last parliament it had 48, which made it the second largest bloc, reported AFP.

The big winner, with more than 70 seats according to the initial count, was the movement of Moqtada Sadr, a Shiite Muslim preacher who campaigned as a nationalist and critic of Iran.

PMF leaders have rejected the results as a "scam" and said they will appeal, ahead of a final tally expected in the next few weeks.

Analysts say the results show that the mainly Shiite PMF alliance has failed to live up to the political expectations of Iraqis after entering parliament for the first time in 2018, following their major role in defeating the ISIS jihadist group.

Opposition activists accuse PMF's armed groups -- whose 160,000 fighters are now integrated into Iraq's state security forces -- of being beholden to Iran and acting as an instrument of oppression against critics.

The Fatah MPs are also seen as having a lack of vision for economic development in an oil-rich country plagued by failing public services and endemic corruption -- the very complaints behind a youth-led anti-government protest movement that began two years ago and led to this month's elections.

- Maliki surprise -

Unlike in the 2018 polls, Salwa, 22, said she did not vote for the alliance this time. "All they came up with were hollow slogans," said the student, who did not give her last name.

"My father insisted my mother and I vote for the Conquest," but Salwa opted for former prime minister Nuri al-Maliki, who held the post between 2006 and 2014.

In the election's biggest surprise, Maliki, an ally of PMF and a figure close to Iran, won more than 30 seats in the 329-seat parliament.

For political scientist Ihsan al-Shamari, the PMF's weaponry was "a main cause" of its poor showing.

Its close ties with Iran and several instances of "appearing to be above the state" have also damaged its popularity, according to Shamari.

Since the October 2019 revolt, dozens of activists have been kidnapped or assassinated, and their movement blames the pro-Iranian camp.

- 'Country in free-fall' -
Jalal Mohamed, a 45-year-old grocer, said he also did not vote for the PMF.

"The country is in free-fall, while their leaders live in the (high security) Green Zone" insulated from everyday life, he said.

According to a source from within the pro-Iran camp, PMF leaders have quarreled and blamed each other for the debacle over having run rival candidates, thus fragmenting the vote.

"The different parties (in PMF) tried to impose their own candidate in the same constituency and the votes were lost," said the source, on condition of anonymity.

Analysts say Sadr will have to come to terms with the PMF alliance in the negotiating process to form a government and name the new prime minister. The PMF is still expected to carry weight in parliament through the support of members who say they are independent, and arrangements with Maliki.

Harith Hasan, a nonresident senior fellow at the Carnegie Middle East Center, puts Maliki's success down to running "strong candidates who resonated with the Shiite electorate, associating (him) with a strong Shiite state, rather than a state dominated by militias".

Maliki "attracted votes from social categories that benefited from his government's employment and patronage largesse when oil prices were at their highest," Hasan wrote in an analysis published by the Center.

On Saturday, a coalition of Shiite parties to which the PMF belongs took a harder line, blaming the electoral commission for "the failure of the electoral process" and warning against "the negative repercussions on the democratic path".



Syrians Left in the Dark as the Interim Government Struggles to Restore Electricity 

Lights illuminate a few windows of a damaged building in Damascus, Syria, early Thursday, March 27, 2025. (AP)
Lights illuminate a few windows of a damaged building in Damascus, Syria, early Thursday, March 27, 2025. (AP)
TT
20

Syrians Left in the Dark as the Interim Government Struggles to Restore Electricity 

Lights illuminate a few windows of a damaged building in Damascus, Syria, early Thursday, March 27, 2025. (AP)
Lights illuminate a few windows of a damaged building in Damascus, Syria, early Thursday, March 27, 2025. (AP)

Rana Al-Ahmad opens her fridge after breaking fast at sundown with her husband and four children during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan.

Apart from eggs, potatoes and some bread, it’s empty because state electricity in Syria only comes two hours a day.

“We can’t leave our food in the fridge because it will spoil,” she said.

Her husband, a taxi driver in Damascus, is struggling to make ends meet, so the family can’t afford to install a solar panel in their two-room apartment in Jaramana on the outskirts of the capital.

Months after a lightning insurgency ended over half a century of the Assad dynasty’s rule in Syria, the interim government has been struggling to fix battered infrastructure after a 14-year conflict decimated much of the country. Severe electricity shortages continue to plague the war-torn country.

The United Nations estimates that 90% of Syrians live in poverty and the Syrian government has only been able to provide about two hours of electricity every day. Millions of Syrians, like Al-Ahmad and her family, can’t afford to pay hefty fees for private generator services or install solar panels.

Syria's new authorities under interim President Ahmed Al-Sharaa have tried to ease the country's electricity crisis, but have been unable to stop the outages with patchwork solutions.

Even with a recent gas deal with Qatar and an agreement with Kurdish-led authorities that will give them access to Syria's oil fields, the country spends most of its days with virtually no power. Reports of oil shipments coming from Russia, a key military and political ally of Assad, shows the desperation.

Pitch black

At Al-Ahmad’s home, she and her husband were only able to get a small battery that could power some lights.

“The battery we have is small and its charge runs out quickly,” said Al-Ahmad, 37. It’s just enough that her children can huddle in the living room to finish their homework after school.

And the family is not alone. Everywhere in Syria, from Damascus to Daraa in the south, neighborhoods turn pitch black once the sun sets, lit only from street lamps, mosque minarets and car headlights.

The downfall of Assad in December brought rare hope to Syrians. But the new interim authorities have scrambled to establish control across the country and convince Western nations to lift economic sanctions to make its economy viable again.

The United States in January eased some restrictions for six months, authorizing some energy-related transactions. But it doesn’t appear to have made a significant difference on the ground just yet.

Battered and bruised fields

Washington and other Western governments face a delicate balance with Syria’s new authorities, and appear to be keen on lifting restrictions only if the war-torn country’s political transition is democratic and inclusive of Syrian civil society, women and minorities.

Fixing Syria’s damaged power plants and oil fields takes time, so Damascus is racing to get as much fuel as it can to produce more energy.

Damascus is now looking towards the northeastern provinces, where its oil fields under Kurdish-led authorities are to boost its capacity, especially after reaching a landmark ceasefire deal with them.

Political economist Karam Shaar said 85% of the country’s oil production is based in those areas, and Syria once exported crude oil in exchange for refined oil to boost local production, though the fields are battered and bruised from years of conflict.

These crucial oil fields fell into the hands of the extremist ISIS group, which held large swaths of Syria and Iraq from 2014 to 2017.

“It’s during that period where much of the damage to the (oil) sector happened,” said Shaar, highlighting intense airstrikes and fighting against the group by a US-led international coalition.

After ISIS fell, the US-backed Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) took control of key fields, leaving them away from the central government in Damascus. The new authorities hope to resolve this in a landmark deal with the SDF signed earlier this month.

Kamran Omar, who oversees oil production in the Rmeilan oil fields in the northeastern city of Hassakeh, says shortages in equipment and supplies and clashes that persisted with Türkiye and Turkish-backed forces have slowed down production, but told the AP that some of that production will eventually go to households and factories in other parts of Syria.

The fields only produce a fraction of what they once did. The Rmeilan field sends just 15,000 of the approximately 100,000 barrels they produce to other parts of Syria to ease some of the burden on the state.

The authorities in Damascus also hope that a recent deal with Qatar that would supply them with gas through Jordan to a major plant south of the capital will be the first of more agreements.

The cornerstone of recovery

Syria's authorities have not acknowledged reports of Russia sending oil shipments to the country. Moscow once aided Assad in the conflict against the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham group that toppled the former president, but this shows that they are willing to stock up on fuel from whoever is offering.

Interim Electricity Minister Omar Shaqrouq admitted in a news conference that bringing back electricity to Syrian homes 24 hours a day is not on the horizon.

“It will soon be four hours, but maybe some more in the coming days.”

Increasing that supply will be critical for the battered country, which hopes to ease the economic woes of millions and bring about calm and stability. Shaar, who has visited and met with Syria’s new authorities, says that the focus on trying to bring fuel in the absence of funding for major infrastructural overhauls is the best Damascus can do given how critical the situation is.

“Electricity is the cornerstone of economic recovery,” said Shaar. “Without electricity you can’t have a productive sector, (or any) meaningful industries.”