Who Marginalized Role of Premiership in Lebanon after Rafik Hariri’s Assassination?

The killing of Hariri triggered huge anti-government protests in Beirut. (Getty Images)
The killing of Hariri triggered huge anti-government protests in Beirut. (Getty Images)
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Who Marginalized Role of Premiership in Lebanon after Rafik Hariri’s Assassination?

The killing of Hariri triggered huge anti-government protests in Beirut. (Getty Images)
The killing of Hariri triggered huge anti-government protests in Beirut. (Getty Images)

The 1989 Taif Accord that ended the Lebanese civil war (1975-90) transformed the position of prime minister into an effective partner in power.

The position was consolidated with the arrival of Rafik Hariri to the post in late 1992. The businessman managed to invest his extensive Arab and international relations in rebuilding a country that was destroyed by 15 years of war.

His shock assassination on February 14, 2005 re-created the imbalance in constitutional institutions, effectively marginalizing the role of the premiership and diminishing its role in the national equation.

No one argues that Hariri was an extraordinary phenomenon in Lebanon’s history. His legacy has weighed heavily on his successors, who have weakened the top Sunni post in the country.

Former MP Mustafa Alloush said Hariri was a unique figure.

“He had an Arab and international vision and his role was part of that Arab and international role, as demonstrated in his strong ties to the Arab Gulf, starting with Saudi Arabia, and global decision-makers, as well as Egypt, Türkiye, Pakistan, Morocco and others,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He recalled Hariri’s famed statement, “no one is greater than their country,” adding that the slain PM was actually “bigger than Lebanon.”

“He did not covet power, but his vision was based on diversity, democracy and culture. This project protects Lebanon from the creed of leftist groups that don’t believe in the idea of the state,” he explained.

“It also protects Lebanon from Sunni fundamentalism and Shiite extremism represented in Iran’s Vilayet al-Faqih. He strived to achieve this project, which ultimately cost him his life,” lamented Alloush

No one denies that Lebanon began to rapidly decline soon after Hariri’s assassination. It floundered in crises for years before now reaching total collapse.

Alloush remarked that Hariri’s successors “lacked experience and charisma. Successive Sunni leaders agreed to compromises over power and its rewards, which led us to catastrophe.”

Former MP Fares Soaid said the marginalization of the premiership can also be attributed to regional factors, namely Iran’s hegemony over Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Yemen.

This situation marginalized the role of Sunnis throughout the region and brought the rise of minorities that have largely succeeded in winning over Christians and Druze, he explained to Asharq Al-Awsat.

“Hariri’s assassination removed a large Sunni barrier that was standing in the way of the Iranian drive in the region,” he noted.

Saddam Hussein’s execution in 2003 and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat’s death in 2004 all played in Iran’s favor, he went on to say.

Soaid highlighted one successful premiership in Lebanon after Hariri’s murder.

He recalled how Fouad Siniora succeeded in withstanding all sorts of pressure from Hezbollah and its allies during his term in office from 2005 to 2009.

At the time, the anti-Syria March 14 camp was still active and Siniora could rely on its support in taking decisive decisions in government.

Soaid highlighted Hezbollah’s invasion of Beirut on May 7, 2008 and the Doha agreement that resolved the ensuing crisis, granting the party a blocking third power in government. This was the beginning of the marginalization of state institutions.

Hariri employed his vast network of international relations to serve Lebanon’s interests. His assassination upended political life and changed the equation.

Lebanese political analyst Khaldoun al-Sharif told Asharq Al-Awsat: “The assassination undermined the presidency and other political positions.”

Political rivals started to abuse their positions, rather than carrying out their duties in serving the people, they began to purse their own interests at the expense of the population and their future, he explained.

The system of rule that ensued after Hariri’s murder has undermined the presidency, premiership and the parliament speakership, he added.

Sharif said the situation came to a head during the 2015 and 2019 protests against the ruling class.

Soaid agreed with the assessment.

The marginalization not only applies to the premiership, but to the presidency and speakership, he remarked. Any decision taken by the holders of these positions are now ineffective without Hezbollah’s seal of approval, he added.

He predicted that this situation will persist until Iran’s regional role in contained and until Lebanese officials take an adamant stand in defending their country’s identity, Arabism, existence and state.

There are several factors that transformed Lebanon from a progressive and pioneering state under Hariri to a failed state after his assassination.

Sharif said one of the factors is that officials no longer seek the interests of the people, but are rather embroiled in corruption or protecting the corrupt.

Confronting the possession of arms outside state authority (Hezbollah’s arsenal) is no longer the sole goal of political battles, he stated.

Lebanon has to now tackle its devastating economic crisis that erupted in 2019.

Sharif noted how Sri Lanka recently succeeded in reaching an agreement with the International Monetary Fund within ten days while Lebanon has yet to approve a single reform or a state budget since 2019.

“How are the people expected to trust in their such rulers?” he wondered.

“The Lebanese sense that all presidencies in their country are ineffective. They are no longer concerned with the disputes between the rival parties after realizing that these forces only disagree with each other over their own personal gains,” he added.



Efforts that Averted the Collapse of the Gaza Ceasefire

Displaced Palestinians arrive in the northern Gaza Strip, following Israel's decision to allow thousands of them to go back for the first time since the early weeks of the 15-month war with Hamas, Monday, Jan. 27, 2025. (AP)
Displaced Palestinians arrive in the northern Gaza Strip, following Israel's decision to allow thousands of them to go back for the first time since the early weeks of the 15-month war with Hamas, Monday, Jan. 27, 2025. (AP)
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Efforts that Averted the Collapse of the Gaza Ceasefire

Displaced Palestinians arrive in the northern Gaza Strip, following Israel's decision to allow thousands of them to go back for the first time since the early weeks of the 15-month war with Hamas, Monday, Jan. 27, 2025. (AP)
Displaced Palestinians arrive in the northern Gaza Strip, following Israel's decision to allow thousands of them to go back for the first time since the early weeks of the 15-month war with Hamas, Monday, Jan. 27, 2025. (AP)

The Gaza truce faced fresh challenges over the last two days as Israel refused to allow displaced Palestinians in southern and central Gaza to return to the north, a key part of the agreement.

Instead, Israel insisted on the release of Israeli captive Arbel Yehoud before permitting any returns, raising concerns the deal could collapse.

The situation worsened after Hamas handed over four Israeli female captives. Hamas demanded mediators pressure Israel to honor its promises, including allowing displaced Palestinians to return.

Israel, however, refused to proceed until Yehoud’s release or guarantees for her return, with a critical deadline looming on Saturday.

Sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that Yehoud, held by Islamic Jihad and the Popular Resistance Committees, was confirmed alive after coordination with Hamas. However, Israel requested proof of life, a demand rejected by Palestinian factions to avoid giving Israel leverage without concessions.

Hamas took charge of negotiations, insisting that displaced Palestinians return before Yehoud’s release to prevent any potential Israeli deception. Disagreements also arose over Yehuod’s classification.

Hamas argued she was a reserve soldier, requiring 50 Palestinian prisoners to be freed in exchange. Israel claimed she was a civilian, which would reduce the exchange to 30 detainees.

Israel demanded a full list of captives set for release in the first phase. Palestinian factions complied, revealing more living captives than expected, which advanced talks on the return of displaced Palestinians.

To ease tensions, mediators suggested releasing two additional Israeli captives alongside Yehoud. Eventually, the factions agreed to release 30 Palestinian detainees as part of the exchange.

Hamas announced plans to release three more captives on Saturday, showing its ability to negotiate further exchanges.

However, sources warned of potential Israeli attempts to delay or undermine the agreement, especially as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu faces internal opposition within his government.

Meanwhile, more Palestinian faction leaders arrived in Cairo for talks with Egyptian mediators to prepare for the next phase of negotiations.

This phase will address rebuilding Gaza, governance under Hamas, and other post-war issues, which are expected to be even more challenging.

As tensions remain high, the truce hangs in the balance, with both sides maneuvering to secure their demands while avoiding a collapse of the fragile agreement.