Iraqi PM to Asharq Al-Awsat: Our Country Won’t Be Arena for Settling Scores

Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani sits down for an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat in Baghdad.
Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani sits down for an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat in Baghdad.
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Iraqi PM to Asharq Al-Awsat: Our Country Won’t Be Arena for Settling Scores

Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani sits down for an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat in Baghdad.
Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani sits down for an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat in Baghdad.

Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani announced that Iraq and Saudi Arabia are capable of forming a regional axis that can act as a foundation for stability in the region and world. In an exclusive interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, he revealed that he agreed with Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Crown Prince and Prime Minister, on a roadmap to develop bilateral relations that would begin with ministerial visits and later the convening of the Saudi-Iraqi coordination council with the aim of carrying out projects over three years.

Sudani stressed that Baghdad will continue to play its role in hosting the Saudi-Iranian dialogue, revealing that a new meeting will be held between them soon.

The PM denied that Iran or the United States had interfered in the formation of his government that has now been in office for a hundred days. “The government was completely formed through Iraqi efforts. I was not influenced in any way, shape, or form by foreign meddling,” he assured.

On how Iraq can deal with both its allies – the US and Iran – given the tensions between them, the PM stated: “We don’t want Iraq to be an arena for settling scores. We are not siding with one party against the other. Rather, we are keen on strengthening our relations based on mutual interests and respect and refraining from meddling in internal affairs.” He added, however, that Iraq’s interests will remain the top priority.

Furthermore, Sudani underlined Iraq’s “pioneering role in the region with its Arab brothers, as well as Iran.” He stressed that “Iraq is destined to be Arab. This is Iraq’s natural state.”

The PM spoke at length about the internal situation in Iraq and the measures his government has taken in regards to administrative and security reforms, combating corruption and reclaiming looted funds.

After a hundred days in office, are you optimistic or skeptical? I won’t ask you if you regret taking on this challenging task.

Of course, I have no regrets because I know the extent of the mission and responsibility. I agreed to be designated as prime minister. I am optimistic. After a hundred days in office, the government is clear in carrying out its tasks and priorities on various levels, whether in its foreign relations or on the local level. Locally, the government has prioritized tackling poverty, creating job opportunities, improving services, carrying out economic reform and combating terrorism.

Has your experience so far confirmed what you have previously declared that corruption in Iraq was more dangerous than the COVID-19 pandemic?

That is why I have called it the “corruption pandemic”. This is the threat that is confronting the Iraqi state. It is more dangerous that COVID-19 and ISIS.

How much money has been squandered after the fall of Saddam Hussein?

I used to follow up on corruption regarding the theft of taxes when I was still a lawmaker. I was hoping that this issue would be the first to have been addressed when I became prime minister, but, unfortunately, the majority of the suspects have fled and helped smuggle the funds outside of Iraq.

According to preliminary calculations by audit agencies, some 3 billion dinars (2.5 billion dollars) have been stolen. Seeking greater transparency, our government contracted an international auditing firm to determine the exact amount that was stolen.

The squandering of funds goes back to 2003. There are no official statistics related to this issue. Corruption takes several forms. It could take place in the operational budget or the investment budget. It can take place outside the budgets, taking the shape of financial and administrative corruption.

It has been said that some 600 billion dollars have been squandered in less than two decades.

Why not 700 or 500 billion? These are estimates and figures, but they don’t give us the real picture. Neither we, nor the audit agencies are capable of giving an exact figure given the several budgets and projects related to investment. What sets this government apart, however, is its insistence on restoring the money that has been looted.

Can the government reclaim funds from powerful figures?

By applying the law, we can. We have kicked off the process and some important politicians have been arrested and looted funds have been reclaimed from them. Unfortunately, corruption can be found everywhere. Among minor employees, where surprisingly, the most damage can be made.

However, we can’t accuse everyone of being corrupt. There is an army of honorable people who have preserved public funds and stood against the corrupt. We must stand by those people and encourage them.

How is it possible that a rich country like Iraq can suffer from frequent power cuts? Is corruption to blame?

Yes, corruption and poor management and planning. In 2003, power production did not exceed 3,800 megawatts. Now, we have exceeded 21,000 megawatts, but that was also accompanied by greater expansion and growing needs. In the past, each house used to boast a fan. Now, each house has air conditioners and various appliances.

We have come across various problems, such as corruption and poor management and planning. In late 2013, just as we had resolved the electricity problem, we were confronted with ISIS and consequently, ended up taking several steps back.

Moreover, another glaring problem is the fact that only 10 percent of electricity taxes are collected throughout the country. This is due to the general attitude in that the people believe the state should assume this responsibility. Another reason is that the frequent power cuts weaken the government position. The people simply refuse to pay taxes for services that are not provided.

In addition, Iraq does not have a culture of power-saving. Whenever the power comes on, the people rush to turn on the air conditioners to cool their homes.

Has the rate of taxation increased?

As of yesterday, taxes have only reaped 600 billion dinars (around 400 million dollars) a year. The figure should be in the billions. On gas alone, we are spending 7 billion dollars a year by importing it from Iran. We are buying electricity at around 2.5 billion dollars. The expenses are massive and the taxes are minimal.

Will Iraq witness a deep reform process?

We have no choice but to carry out economic reform and diversify sources of income. We can no longer solely rely on oil revenues to cover budget expenses. We must look into alternatives, such as agriculture, industry and tourism. We must support the private sector so that it can create job opportunities.

Will unpopular decisions be taken next?

This government is destined to take reform decisions, which are often painful, but they will eventually benefit everyone.

I fear for the interest of Iraq and its people. When it comes to these two issues, I don’t care about my popularity and life. The interest of Iraq and its people are my compass.

What about the issue of the smuggling of dollars that we have been reading about?

After 2007, the central bank took the right step in tackling inflation and addressing the state of the dinar. During the 1990s, when Iraq was under the blockade, we would monitor the rise and fall of the dollar. Fluctuations would impact food prices.

What the central bank did was allow the selling of the currency. The trade mechanism was very common and it should have been revised and regulations should have been introduced. That did not happen and traders would go about reaping as much dollars as possible to transfer them abroad. At one point, 300 million dollars were being sold per day.

Are the dollars being smuggled to Türkiye and Iran?

The smuggling is ongoing all over the world. Several regional countries are witnessing a collapse in their local currency. I won’t go into names, but they certainly need dollars. Some of those complicit in the process here are money exchangers and banks. They are making major profits by selling dollars that are being transferred to neighboring and regional countries.

Are you optimistic that this issue can be addressed?

Yes. This process can be tackled through economic, financial and banking reform in Iraq. We have carried out a series of measures to reform the banking and financial systems according to international standards. The government’s primary concern is maintaining the prices of essential goods and providing them at reasonable costs to the people.

You received a telephone call from US President Joe Biden, who underscored his country’s commitment to the strategic partnership with Iraq. An Iraqi delegation is preparing to visit Washington. What will you ask from the US?

We agree with Biden on activating the strategic framework agreement, which elevates relations between Iraq and the US to economic, cultural, social and educational levels. The agreement is clear and was ratified by the Iraqi parliament. It must be activated. Our ties with the US should not be limited to security aspects, no matter how important they are.

The US is a strategic partner to Iraq and we can benefit from its expertise in improving the situation in Iraq on all levels. The US is a major power and Iraq is tied to it through agreements, the most important of which is the strategic framework pact. We are cooperating in combating ISIS. All political forces have stressed that they support relations between Iraq and all nations as long as it is in its interest. We have an interest in maintaining ties with the US and we don’t mind that.

How does Iraq reach common ground between Iran’s influence and the role of the US?

This is a dilemma that is always on the table. We are dealing with it as follows: Iran is a neighboring country with which we share several religious, cultural and social factors. Iran has stood by the political process from the start and stood by us in the war against ISIS. We are therefore, maintaining this relationship.

Of course, several Iraqi political powers enjoy positive ties with Iran and this is the case in several regional countries. These ties should be positive as long as they adhere to non-interference in the affairs of the other.

As for the US, it helped in the process of change that took place after 2003. The US was part of the international alliance that helped Iraq defeat ISIS. Today, we view the US as a partner with whom we want to develop ties.

Yes, relations are strained between the US and Iran, but this will definitely not take place at Iraq’s expense. We don’t want Iraq to be an arena for settling scores. We are not taking sides against another. We are keen on strengthening our relations according to common interests, mutual respect and refraining from meddling in the internal affairs of others.

Do you fear that Iraq will suffer repercussions as a result of the deterioration of ties between Iran and the West after the former’s weapons emerged in Ukraine?

We always seek stability. This stability won’t happen except through easing tensions. The Russian-Ukrainian war is not only having an impact on Europe, but the entire region. We live in a volatile region that needs more understanding, dialogue and an end to interference. We oppose any interference in any other country in times of conflict because that will only deepen this crisis.

The Russian-Ukrainian crisis can be resolved when meddling by all world countries comes to an end and when both parties come together to hold dialogue. Dialogue is the best way to avert tragedies in these countries and the region.

Iraq has been devastated by wars and blockades. It knows their impact. This is where we are coming from. There can be no solution to crises without dialogue. Foreign meddling will only prolong any crisis.

You are the first prime minister since 2003 to head a government that does not have members of the Sadrist movement. Has a truce or deal been reached with the movement? Don’t you worry that the economic crisis may lead to a revolt of some kind or push the Sadrists to take to the streets?

The Sadrist movement is a main and effective player in the political process, whether it is represented at parliament or government. We respect its decision to withdraw from parliament and we want it to remain active in political life.

A revolt by the movement or youths or any other side is a sign of a failure in implementing our government program and in fulfilling our pledges to the people. Of course, such a failure will be rejected by all segments of society, not just one political party or that.

The current situation cannot tolerate such a failure. The current coalition that formed this government is concerned with and responsible for the current stage in Iraq.

Is the Coordination Framework still pleased with the leanings of your government?

Of course, the Framework is the largest Shiite bloc. It nominated the prime minister to his post. It struck a deal with other blocs to form the government coalition. So, the success or failure of the government will be on the Framework, the government itself and the coalition.

Days ago you met with Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan bin Abdullah. How do you describe the current relationship with Saudi Arabia?

The relationship is good. Everyone is keen on maintaining this relationship given Iraq and Saudi Arabia’s weight on the Islamic, Arab, economic and geographic levels. We can easily form a political-economic axis that can act as a foundation for the region and establish a stable regional system and become a cornerstone for global stability.

Iraq and Saudi Arabia are capable of doing so and we are serious about that. I had discussed this with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and found him very receptive, as usual, and eager to achieve this goal. When I took part in the Arab-Chinese summit in Riyadh, we came up with a work schedule that covers mutual visits.

This was followed by a visit by the foreign and trade ministers to Baghdad. Our ministers also visited Saudi Arabia. Meetings are being held to prepare for holding a meeting of the Iraqi-Saudi coordination council either in Baghdad or Riyadh. All of these issues were agreed with the Crown Prince during our meeting in Riyadh.

I have met Crown Prince Mohammed on a number of occasions when I was a minister and once after I became prime minister. It was during the Arab-Chinese summit that we held bilateral talks.

How to do you view the changes taking place in Saudi Arabia?

It is an experience that is worthy of respect and expertise must be exchanged to benefit from it. Saudi Arabia has taken a significant leap in properly investing in its resources. I witnessed this development firsthand when I was industry minister. I visited Ras al-Khair, al-Jubail and Riyadh. I witnessed the essence of Saudi industry and found that it was advanced and helped in securing a sizable amount of global market needs.

On the political level, Saudi Arabia is playing a major role. The Arab-Chinese summit was a step in the right direction. It is important for Arab and regional countries. We must contribute in easing tensions and regional crises to forge ahead with development and growth, which demand stability.

Can we expect a new round of Saudi-Iranian dialogue in Baghdad soon?

It will be held soon, God willing. At the request of our brothers in Saudi Arabia and Iran, we want the continuation of this relationship, which we view as essential because stability is consolidated whenever views align in the region.

Arrangements are underway for the dialogue to be held soon. We are seeking to raise the level of representation from security officials, to diplomatic ties, sponsored by Iraq. I am personally involved in the process.

Have Turkish-Arab dialogue rounds been held in Baghdad?

We believe they have been restricted to security coordination. We are keen on security coordination with all regional countries given our security agencies’ experience in uncovering terrorist plots. We want to share this information with regional countries. This includes Egypt, Jordan, Gulf countries, Iran, Türkiye and even European countries. Our security agencies have the means of infiltrating and dismantling terrorist cells.

Aren’t you worried about ISIS?

No, ISIS is just a terrified gang that has sought refuge in its dens. We are striking them every day and everywhere. They can no longer hold ground, as they are just four or five mobile groups that are targeting citizens and locations. Work is ongoing to crack down on those terrorists.

Have the security agencies uncovered a plot against your life?

No, they have not.

Iraq is suffering from the spread of illegal weapons. How much progress has the state made in combating this phenomenon?

When we were fighting ISIS, we sought out anyone capable of carrying weapons. ISIS was targeting innocent civilians and villages, cities and neighborhoods. The fight produced various armed factions. After the victory against ISIS, previous governments did not carry out the necessary effort in the security reform process.

Our government has. It issued an order to form a committee, headed by me, to carry out reform at security agencies. Among the top priorities is cracking down on the illegal possession of arms. The weapons must be restricted to security agencies that were formed according to the law. There will no longer be any weapons outside these agencies.

Dialogue will be used to resolve these problems. The predicament is that some sides are tying the possession of their weapons to the presence of foreign forces in Iraq that they believe to be illegal and unconstitutional. Several Iraqis support this view. If the foreign presence is regulated within the constitution and law, then they will no longer have the excuse to carry weapons.

Will the Arab summit be held soon?

Yes, but a date has not been set yet. I believe it will be held in Riyadh.

Will Syria attend?

We hope it will. It is about time that we kick off serious efforts in restoring Syria’s membership at the Arab League. An understanding must be reached because Syria’s stability is paramount to the region. Any terrorist threat against Iraq comes from Syria. Any instability in Syria will impact Jordan, Lebanon and other regional countries.

It is very important to hold dialogue with the Syrian government to help ease the suffering of the Syrian people, who are enduring challenging living and economic conditions.

Iran has accused alleged groups in Kurdistan of playing a role in the Isfahan attack. Are you worried that Iran may carry out any major action in Kurdistan?

This was one of the predicaments that the government has faced. It was also confronted with the violations that have taken place on the Iraqi-Turkish border. These issues have been discussed with Iran. Agreements were reached over having the official federal forces control the border, hand over wanted suspects through arrest warrants, and preventing any group from setting up camp or any armed presence.

What about ties with Syria?

They are limited to the official capacity and I have not visited Syria. No one from Syria has officially visited Iraq since I assumed my post.

Did you know [slain Iranian Quds Force commander] Qassem Soleimani or have you met him?

I would see him at general meetings. He would be part of official delegations at ministries and we would meet.

Has Iran supported your government?

Iran has never interfered in the negotiations to form the government.

You were never contacted by [current Quds Force commander] Esmail Qaani?

Never.

Not even the American ambassador?

Not even the American ambassador. The government was formed through a purely Iraqi process. I was not influenced by any direct or indirect meddling. Iraqis are proud of their Iraqiness and no true Iraqi would abandon their principles for others.

You have spoken about the “Arab depth”. Doesn’t that bother Iran?

Never. Iran has no problem with this. Iraq is an Arab nation and has played a pioneering role for hundreds of years. This is our natural role. We are proud of its role because it will help in establishing stability in the region, including Arab countries and neighbors, Syria and Iran alike.

What about interests with the Gulf? Did you discuss this with the Iranians?

Yes, and on the highest levels. Iraq is destined to be Arab. This is its normal position. It will not take on a role that is alien to it.



President of Madagascar to Asharq Al-Awsat: Three-Pillar Economic Plan to Revive the Country

President of Madagascar Michael Randrianirina (Presidency)
President of Madagascar Michael Randrianirina (Presidency)
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President of Madagascar to Asharq Al-Awsat: Three-Pillar Economic Plan to Revive the Country

President of Madagascar Michael Randrianirina (Presidency)
President of Madagascar Michael Randrianirina (Presidency)

President of Madagascar Michael Randrianirina said his country views Saudi Arabia as its “main partner” in the phase of “refoundation” and in building a new development model, revealing to Asharq Al-Awsat a three-pillar economic plan aimed at restoring political and institutional stability, activating structural sectors, and improving the business environment to attract investment, with a focus on cooperation in mining and natural resources, including rare minerals.

In his first interview with an Arab newspaper since assuming office in October, Randrianirina said in remarks delivered via Zoom from his presidential office that Madagascar “possesses real potential in energy, agriculture, mining, tourism, and human capital,” stressing that driving national revival requires consolidating institutional stability and building balanced partnerships with countries such as Saudi Arabia in order to translate potential into tangible outcomes for citizens and youth.

Three-Pillar Economic Plan

The president explained that his plan is based on three main pillars. The first focuses on restoring political and institutional stability through a clear transitional roadmap, the establishment of an executive body to manage and review projects, and the formation of a supporting committee to ensure an orderly and transparent transition.

The second pillar centers on investment in structural sectors, including energy, ports, digital transformation, health, and mining, in partnership with Saudi Arabia and other partners, with the aim of removing the main obstacles to economic revival.

The third pillar, he said, targets creating an attractive environment for investors by improving the business climate, strengthening public-private partnerships, activating special economic zones, and leveraging regional frameworks such as the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to open broader African markets through Madagascar.

Strategic Partnership and “Investment-Ready” Projects

On plans to enhance economic, investment, and trade cooperation between Saudi Arabia and Madagascar, Randrianirina said his objective is to build a long-term strategic partnership within a clear institutional framework and through flagship projects with tangible impact for both countries.

He proposed the creation of a joint Madagascar–Saudi investment body, to be known as “OIMS,” to coordinate and finance projects in energy, ports, health, digital governance, mining, agriculture, and tourism. He noted that Madagascar is simultaneously preparing a package of investment-ready projects aligned with Saudi Vision 2030 and Africa’s regional integration, in order to provide organized and secure opportunities for Saudi capital and expertise.

Saudi Arabia as the “Main Partner”

Randrianirina emphasized that Madagascar considers Saudi Arabia a key partner in priority sectors. In energy and refining, he said the country plans to establish a national oil refinery, supply fuel directly from the Kingdom, and jointly develop heavy oil resources in western Madagascar.

In ports and logistics, he pointed to efforts to modernize and expand the ports of Toliara and Mahajanga to position Madagascar as a logistics and energy hub in the Indian Ocean.

Regarding digital transformation and secure governance, he said Madagascar aims to launch a secure national digital platform for public administration and security, drawing on Saudi experience.

He also highlighted mining and natural resources, including rare minerals, as a cornerstone of cooperation, with the goal of improving valuation and ensuring traceability of Malagasy gold and other mineral resources in a transparent and mutually beneficial manner. He further expressed interest in the health sector, proposing the establishment of a royal health complex in Antananarivo, followed by a gradual expansion of similar facilities in other regions.

Planned Visit to Riyadh

The President said Madagascar is working with Saudi authorities to arrange an official visit in the near future, with the date to be determined in coordination with the Kingdom.

He described the visit as an important opportunity to meet and engage with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, noting that Vision 2030 has brought about a qualitative transformation in the Kingdom’s image and economic trajectory. He said Saudi Arabia has strengthened its role as a major player in economic modernization, energy diversification, digital transformation, and global investment, while maintaining its central role in the Arab and Islamic worlds.

He added that the reforms and major projects achieved under the vision are a source of inspiration for Madagascar’s refoundation efforts, expressing a desire to benefit from the Saudi experience in areas including energy, infrastructure, digital transformation, health, and natural resource development.

The president said he hopes the visit will include meetings with the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman bin Abdulaziz and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, as well as sectoral meetings covering energy, ports, digital transformation, health, mining, defense and security, trade, culture, and sports, alongside discussions on establishing the joint investment body.

Historical Links with the Arab World

Randrianirina noted that Madagascar had historical links with the Arab world prior to the arrival of Western powers, explaining that Arab sailors, traders, and scholars reached its coasts and left their mark on certain languages, place names, and customs.

Three Major Challenges

The president acknowledged three main challenges facing his country: poverty and food insecurity, lack of infrastructure, and weak institutions. He said a large segment of the population still lives in poverty and that food security is not guaranteed in several regions, stressing that addressing these challenges requires investment in agriculture and rural infrastructure and the search for partners to support sustainable value chains that improve farmers’ incomes.

On infrastructure, he said the capacity of the energy and port sectors remains insufficient, hindering growth and trade, noting that upcoming discussions with Saudi Arabia focus on projects such as the refinery, heavy oil development, the ports of Toliara and Mahajanga, and digital infrastructure. He added that repeated crises have weakened institutions, and that his government is working to strengthen the rule of law, anti-corruption mechanisms, and public investment governance through independent oversight and transparent reporting to restore trust.

Combating Corruption

The President said financial corruption is a serious problem in Madagascar as it undermines public trust and diverts resources away from development. He explained that the anti-corruption strategy is based on three levels: establishing an executive body with clear procedures, independent audits, and periodic reporting; using digitalization to improve traceability and reduce misuse; and strengthening anti-corruption bodies while supporting judicial independence.

When asked about allegations of financial corruption linked to the previous leadership, he said his focus is on institutions rather than personal accusations, stressing that addressing any allegations falls under the jurisdiction of the competent judicial and oversight bodies, which must be protected from political interference and allowed to operate in accordance with the law and due process.

Duty to the Country and Its Youth

The president concluded by saying that he assumed office out of a sense of duty toward the country and its youth, noting that young people represent a significant demographic weight in Madagascar and are demanding change, dignity, and a better future through jobs, education, stability, and opportunities within their own country.

 


Microsoft President: Saudi Arabia is Moving from Exporting Oil to Exporting Artificial Intelligence

Naim Yazbeck, President of Microsoft for the Middle East and Africa (Microsoft) 
Naim Yazbeck, President of Microsoft for the Middle East and Africa (Microsoft) 
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Microsoft President: Saudi Arabia is Moving from Exporting Oil to Exporting Artificial Intelligence

Naim Yazbeck, President of Microsoft for the Middle East and Africa (Microsoft) 
Naim Yazbeck, President of Microsoft for the Middle East and Africa (Microsoft) 

As Saudi Arabia accelerates its national transformation under Vision 2030, the region’s technology landscape is undergoing a decisive shift. For the first time, “the region is not merely participating in a global transformation, it is clearly leading it,” said Naim Yazbeck, President of Microsoft for the Middle East and Africa, in an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat.

Yazbeck argued that Saudi Arabia now stands at the forefront of what he called “a historic turning point not seen in the past century,” defined by sovereign cloud infrastructure, artificial intelligence, and national innovation capabilities.

He noted that Saudi Arabia’s rapid progress is driven by clear political will, explaining that the state is not simply modernizing infrastructure, but views AI as a strategic pillar comparable to the historical role of oil. While oil underpinned the economy for decades, AI has emerged as the new resource on which the Kingdom is staking its economic future.

According to Yazbeck, the recent visit of Crown Prince and Prime Minister Mohammed bin Salman to the United States underscored this shift, with AI and advanced technologies taking center stage in discussions, reflecting Saudi Arabia’s intent to build a globally influential knowledge economy.

This direction marks the start of a new phase in which the Kingdom is no longer a consumer of imported AI technologies but a developer of local capabilities and a producer of exportable knowledge, strengthening technological sovereignty and laying the foundation for an innovation-driven economy.

A Distinctive Tech Market

Yazbeck stressed that the regional landscape, especially in Saudi Arabia, is witnessing an unprecedented shift. Gulf countries are not only deploying AI but also developing and exporting it. The Kingdom is building advanced infrastructure capable of running large-scale models and providing massive computing power, positioning it for the first time as a participant in global innovation rather than a mere technology importer.

He pointed to a common sentiment he encountered in recent meetings across Riyadh’s ministries, regulatory bodies, national institutions, and global companies: “Everyone wants to be ahead of AI, not behind it.” Ambition has translated into action through revised budgets, higher targets, and faster project timelines.

He added that Saudi institutions now demand the highest standards of data sovereignty, especially in sensitive financial, health, and education sectors. The regulatory environment is evolving rapidly; Saudi Arabia has modernized its cybersecurity, data governance, cloud, and AI frameworks faster than many countries worldwide, turning regulatory agility into a competitive asset.

Yazbeck emphasized that success is not measured by the number of AI projects but by their alignment with national priorities, productivity, healthcare, education, and cybersecurity, rather than superficial, publicity-driven initiatives.

The ‘Return on Investment’ Equation

According to the Microsoft official, building an AI-driven economy requires more than advanced data centers. It begins with long-term planning for energy production and the expansion of connectivity networks. He further said that running large models demands enormous electrical capacity and long-term stability, which the Kingdom is addressing through strategic investments in renewable energy and telecommunications.

Yazbeck said return on investment is a central question. Nationally, ROI is measured through economic growth, job creation, higher productivity, enhanced innovation, and stronger global standing. At the institutional level, tangible results are already emerging: with tools such as Copilot, employees are working faster and with higher quality, shedding routine tasks and redirecting time toward innovation. The next phase, he added, will unlock new business models, improved customer experiences, streamlined operations, and higher efficiency across sectors.

Sovereignty and Security

Digital sovereignty is now indispensable, Yazbeck said. Saudi Arabia requires cloud providers to meet the highest accreditation standards to host sensitive national systems, which are criteria Microsoft is working to fulfill ahead of launch. Once the new cloud regions in Dammam go live, they will become part of the Kingdom’s sovereign infrastructure, requiring maximum protection.

Microsoft invests billions annually in cybersecurity and has repelled unprecedented cyberattacks, an indicator of the threats national infrastructure faces. The company offers a suite of sovereign cloud solutions, data-classification tools, and hybrid options that allow flexible operation and expansion. Yazbeck noted that sovereignty is not a single concept but a spectrum that includes data protection, regulatory control, and local hosting all play critical roles.

Data: The Next Source of Advantage

Yazbeck identified data as the decisive factor in AI success. He warned that any model built on unclean data becomes a source of hallucinations. Thus, national strategy begins with assessing the readiness of Saudi Arabia’s data landscape.

He revealed that the Kingdom, working with SDAIA, the Ministry of Communications, and national companies, is constructing a vast, high-quality data ecosystem, laying the groundwork for competitive Arabic language models.

He also called for a robust framework for responsible AI, saying that speed alone is not enough. He stressed that safe and trustworthy use must be built from the start, noting that Microsoft is collaborating with national bodies to craft policies that prevent misuse, protect data, and ensure fairness and transparency.

Skills: A National Advantage

Human capability is the true engine of national power; Yazbeck underlined, pointing that infrastructure means little without talent to run and advance it. He stated that Saudi youth represent the Kingdom’s greatest competitive advantage.

Microsoft has trained more than one million Saudis over the past two years through programs with SDAIA, the Ministry of Communications, the Ministry of Education, and the MISK Foundation. Its joint AI Academy has graduated thousands of students from over 40 universities, and it has launched broad programs to train teachers on AI tools in education.

 

 


El-Mahboub Abdul Salam to Asharq Al-Awsat: Al-Turabi Was Shocked by Deputy’s Role in Mubarak Assassination Plot

Dr. El-Mahboub Abdul Salam speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Dr. El-Mahboub Abdul Salam speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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El-Mahboub Abdul Salam to Asharq Al-Awsat: Al-Turabi Was Shocked by Deputy’s Role in Mubarak Assassination Plot

Dr. El-Mahboub Abdul Salam speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Dr. El-Mahboub Abdul Salam speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

This happens only in thrillers. A religious leader summons an obscure army officer and meets him for the first time two days before a planned coup. He appoints him president with an unprecedented line, “You will go to the palace as president, and I will go to prison as a detainee.”

That is what happened on June 30, 1989. The officer, Omar al-Bashir, went to the presidential palace while security forces took Dr. Hassan Al-Turabi to the notorious Kober Prison along with other political leaders.

Al-Turabi’s “ruse” aimed to conceal the Islamic nature of the coup so that near and distant governments would not rush to isolate it. Intelligence agencies in neighboring states, including Egypt, fell for the deception and assumed that Bashir had seized power at the head of a group of nationalist officers. Cairo recognized the new regime and encouraged others to follow.

This happens only in stories. A young man landed at Khartoum airport carrying a passport that said his name was Abdullah Barakat. He arrived from Amman. One day he would knock on Al-Turabi’s office door, though Al-Turabi refused to see him.

Soon after, Sudanese security discovered that the visitor was a “poisoned gift,” in Al-Turabi’s words. He was the Venezuelan militant known as Carlos the Jackal, a “revolutionary” to some and a “notorious terrorist” to others.

He led the 1975 kidnapping of OPEC ministers in Vienna under instructions from Palestinian militant Dr. Wadie Haddad, an architect of aircraft hijackings. One night, and with the approval of Al-Turabi and Bashir, French intelligence agents arrived in Khartoum. Carlos awoke from sedatives aboard the plane taking him to France, where he remains imprisoned for life.

Bashir’s government was playing with explosives. In the early 1990s, it also hosted a prickly young man named Osama bin Laden, who after Afghanistan was seeking a base for training and preparation. He arrived under the banner of investment and relief work. Mounting pressure left bin Laden with no option but to leave.

This happens only in thrillers. The leadership of the National Islamic Front gathered with its top figures, Bashir, and security chiefs. The occasion was the assassination attempt against Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in Addis Ababa.

Ali Osman Taha, Al-Turabi’s deputy, stunned attendees by admitting that Sudanese security services were linked to the attempt. Those present understood that he had been one of its sponsors. Neither the sheikh nor the president had prior knowledge.

After the attempt, some proposed killing the operatives who had returned from the Ethiopian capital to eliminate any trail that could incriminate the Sudanese regime. Al-Turabi opposed the assassinations. The impression spread that Bashir supported the killings and signs of a rift between him and Al-Turabi began to appear.

The split later became formal in what came to be known as the “separation” among Islamists. Power is a feast that cannot accommodate two guests. Bashir did not hesitate to send to prison the man who had placed him in the palace. Al-Turabi did not hesitate to back Bashir’s handover to the International Criminal Court. Al-Turabi tasted the betrayal of his own disciples. Disciples, after all, are known to betray.

This happens only in thrillers. Through Al-Turabi’s mediation, Osama bin Laden agreed to meet an intelligence officer from Saddam Hussein’s regime named Farouk Hijazi. The meeting produced no cooperation, but it became one of the early arguments George W. Bush used in 2003 to justify the invasion of Iraq.

Hijazi also met senior Sudanese security officials who later visited Baghdad and were warmly received, and it became clear that Ali Osman Taha was among Saddam’s most enthusiastic admirers.

Sudanese blood now flows like the waters of the Nile. Bodies scattered on the streets of el-Fasher are almost making the world forget the bodies buried under the rubble of Gaza. Hard men are pouring fire onto the oil of ethnic and regional hatreds. Making corpses is far easier than making a settlement, a state, or institutions.

Since independence, Sudan has been a sprawling tragedy. Because the present is the child of the recent past, searching for a witness who knows the game and the players, and journalism leads to meeting and interviewing the experienced politician and researcher Dr. El-Mahboub Abdul Salam.

For a decade he served as Al-Turabi’s office director. For another decade, he wrote some of Bashir’s speeches.

In recent years, his bold conclusions stood out, including that Sudan’s Islamic movement has exhausted its purposes, that it shares responsibility with other elites for the country’s condition, and that it erred in dealing with others just as it erred when it chose the path of coups, violence, ghost houses, and contributed to pushing the South outside Sudan’s map.

Abdul Salam does not hesitate to scrutinize Al-Turabi’s own mistakes and his passion for wielding power. I sat down for an interview with him, and this is the first installment.

Abdul Salam was a first-year university student when Al-Turabi’s ideas caught his attention. Al-Turabi then appeared different, moving outside Sudan’s traditional social divides. He also knew the West, having studied in Paris and London. In 1990, Abdul Salam became Al-Turabi’s office director until the end of that decade.

Abdul Salam recalled: “I am often asked this question, are you a disciple of Al-Turabi? I have told them more than once, yes, I am a disciple of Al-Turabi, a devoted one. But I graduated from this school and became an independent person with my own ideas and experiences, perhaps broader than those of the Islamic movement’s earlier leaders.”

Asked about when he discovered Al-Turabi’s mistakes and developed a critical sense toward his experience Abdul Salam said that it was “perhaps in 2011, with the ‘Arab Spring’, and the Egyptian revolution in particular and the change that took place in Egypt.”

A tense beginning

Abdul Salam said Al-Turabi’s relationship with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak began on polite terms when they met in 1986 during an Al-Azhar conference on the Prophet’s biography. At the time, he recalled, Cairo was hostile or deeply wary of the Sudanese government under Sadiq al-Mahdi. The meeting, in his words, “was more courtesy than substance.”

According to Abdul Salam, relations later deteriorated sharply because of the deception surrounding the 1989 coup, then worsened further after the 1995 assassination attempt against Mubarak in Addis Ababa.

The Addis Ababa shock

Abdul Salam recounted that a major political meeting was convened after the failed attempt, held at the home of Ali Osman Mohammed Taha and attended by Al-Turabi, Bashir and all senior leaders. He said that during this gathering, both Bashir and Al-Turabi learned “for the first time” that Sudanese security services and Al-Turabi’s own deputy had been involved in the operation without informing them, describing the moment as a “huge shock” to the leadership.

He said Taha admitted at the meeting that the security services were involved and that it later became clear he himself was implicated. When a proposal emerged to kill the operatives returning from Ethiopia to erase evidence, Abdul Salam said Al-Turabi “rose in fierce opposition,” calling the idea outside both politics and Sharia. He cited Dr. Ali al-Haj as saying this moment “marked the beginning of the split.”

Egyptian intelligence reassesses Sudan

Abdul Salam describes how the Sudanese and Egyptian intelligence services eventually moved toward reconciliation. He said Omar Suleiman, Egypt’s intelligence chief, sent a message through French intelligence stating that the attack had been carried out by Egyptian Islamist groups.

According to Abdul Salam, Suleiman maintained that Sudan had only provided what he described as logistical support including money, shelter and weapons, rather than planning or executing the attack. This understanding, he says, prevented Egypt from responding harshly.

The communication opened a door for “major repair” of relations, Abdul Salam added, as Sudan began presenting itself as a pragmatic government after distancing itself from Al-Turabi.

After 1999: Rapprochement with Cairo

The reconciliation with Egypt and the region, Abdul Salam noted, took shape after 1999. He recalled that Taha’s visit to Cairo came after that date, followed by a visit from intelligence chief Salah Gosh. Foreign Minister Mustafa Osman regularly traveled to Egypt and maintained a friendship with his Egyptian counterpart, further improving ties.

The memorandum that shifted power

Abdul Salam described the turning point in relations between Bashir and Al-Turabi as the “Memorandum of Ten” in October 1998. During a major Shura gathering attended by hundreds of party, state and tribal leaders, ten members presented a document calling for the removal of Al-Turabi and the installation of Bashir as both head of state and leader of the movement.

He said the memorandum included reform language, but its essence was ending dual leadership. Bashir, according to Abdul Salam, “conspired with the ten” and accepted the proposal, calling the conspiracy “clear and very public.”

Abdul Salam recounted that Bashir wanted to confine Al-Turabi to a symbolic role and that some officers close to Bashir even asked Al-Turabi to remain as a spiritual figure who would bless decisions made elsewhere. “Al-Turabi would not accept this,” he stressed.

Al-Turabi’s influence and gradual reemergence

Reflecting on the early years of the Salvation regime, Abdul Salam said Al-Turabi authored all strategic decisions while the government handled daily business independently. He avoided public appearances during the first five years, he recalls.

Abdul Salam added that Al-Turabi gradually reemerged and became speaker of the National Assembly in 1996. He said Al-Turabi’s influence “never truly faded” because of his charisma, knowledge and strong presence, and diminished only when he was imprisoned after the split.

The 2001 Memorandum and South Sudan

Abdul Salam said Al-Turabi was arrested after the signing of a memorandum of understanding with the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement in February 2001. He confirmed he personally signed the document.

Asked whether he felt responsible for South Sudan’s independence, Abdul Salam rejected the suggestion. He said his position was clear and aligned with Sheikh Rached Ghannouchi, who argued that unity required suspending the hudud laws introduced under President Jaafar Nimeiri. Abdul Salam told southern leaders that unity should take precedence over maintaining those laws, adding that Islamic legislation, like all legal systems, is shaped by its psychological and historical context.

Complicated relationship

Abdul Salam described the relationship between Al-Turabi and his deputy Ali Osman Taha as complex and shaped by long-standing philosophical differences. He recalled a sharp split within the Islamist movement in 1968 when Taha aligned with figures who believed Al-Turabi had grown too dominant.

He cited Taha’s personal doctrine as follows: if an individual disagrees with the organization he sides with the organization, if the organization disagrees with the state he sides with the state, and if the state disagrees with Islam he sides with Islam. Al-Turabi, Abdul Salam said, did not operate that way and pursued his own ideas regardless of circumstance.

Abdul Salam recalled that during the Salvation regime, Ahmed Osman Maki had originally been prepared to succeed Al-Turabi but later moved to the United States. He stated that Maki’s strong charisma may have made him unsuitable as number two, while Taha excelled at concealing his emotions and functioning as deputy. He said the two leaders worked in outward harmony during the early years of the regime before deep differences surfaced later.

Abdul Salam added that Taha admired Saddam Hussein’s model of governance and believed Sudanese society was not ready for liberalism or pluralism.

The Arab Spring and the Islamic movement’s decline

According to Abdul Salam, the Arab Spring was “harsh on the Islamic movement.” Although the regional wave ended around 2012, Sudan’s version of it erupted in 2019. He said the uprising struck Islamists hard and reflected the real sentiment of the Sudanese street.

He argued that during its years in power, the Islamic movement held a barely concealed hostility toward civil society, youth, women and the arts. Sudanese intellectual and cultural life, he said, naturally opposed the regime’s long authoritarian rule. The revolution’s slogans of peace, freedom and justice were not part of the movement’s vocabulary, and over time the movement evolved into a posture “contrary to Sudanese society.”

The Communist Party’s influence

Abdul Salam said the Sudanese Communist Party helped shape opposition to the Salvation regime. After the execution of its leaders in 1971, the party underwent major transformation, and after the collapse of the Soviet Union it fully embraced liberalism. He remarked that many young Sudanese seeking freedom, justice and an expanded role for women found the Communist Party closer to their aspirations than the conservative Islamist movement.

Responsibility for Sudan’s political impasse

Abdul Salam rejected the narrative that Sudan’s decades of military rule make the military solely responsible for the country’s crises. He stressed that responsibility also lies with the civilian elite. Officers were part of this elite, and civilians who supported them in government shared responsibility. Sudan’s civilian parties, he argued, lacked clear programs to address longstanding distortions inherited from the colonial era.

One of Abdul Salam’s most sensitive moments with Al-Turabi occurred on the eve of the Islamist split. He said he personally succeeded in arranging a meeting between Al-Turabi and Bashir after months of estrangement, trying to avoid complete rupture. Bashir proposed turning the party conference into a political showcase while setting aside differences. Al-Turabi agreed, but according to Abdul Salam, disagreements reappeared by the end of the day.

Writing Bashir's speeches and choosing a side

Abdul Salam described his relationship with Bashir as very good and said he wrote the president’s speeches from early 1990 until the late 1990s. The speeches reflected the movement’s overall positions.

When the split occurred, Abdul Salam aligned with Al-Turabi not on personal grounds, but because he shared his positions on democracy, public freedoms, federal governance and adherence to agreements with the South.

Abdul Salam said the relationship between Al-Turabi and Bashir resembles other regional cases involving a sheikh and a president only to a limited extent. Bashir was originally a member of the Islamist movement led by Al-Turabi and obeyed him even after becoming president.

The split emerged naturally once the visible authority of the presidency clashed with the hidden authority of the movement, “which was the one truly governing,” he said.