Al-Alimi to Asharq Al-Awsat: We Support and Encourage Saudi Mediation with Houthis

Dr. Rashad al-Alimi speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat during an interview in Brussels. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Dr. Rashad al-Alimi speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat during an interview in Brussels. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Al-Alimi to Asharq Al-Awsat: We Support and Encourage Saudi Mediation with Houthis

Dr. Rashad al-Alimi speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat during an interview in Brussels. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Dr. Rashad al-Alimi speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat during an interview in Brussels. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Chairman of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council (PLC) Dr. Rashad al-Alimi said the country’s political problems can be summed up in two words: exclusion and marginalization, while they can be resolved through consensus and partnership.

In an exclusive interview to Asharq Al-Awsat, he underscored his support to the Saudi mediation with the Iran-backed Houthi militias with Oman’s participation. He confirmed that the Yemeni government is receiving constant updates from the Saudis about the progress of the talks, adding that ultimately, any final agreement will take place between the government and Houthis.

Alimi is currently in Brussels, the first leg of a European tour.

Saudi mediation with Houthis

Asked about the progress in the Saudi mediation with the Houthis, he remarked that this was not the first time that the Kingdom had sought to contact the militias. He cited the Dhahran al-Janub understandings and how the militias reneged on them. He noted that channels of communication had also been open when he was aide to former President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi.

“We believe that the discussions and communication are positive because they will serve the peace process and stability in Yemen,” Alimi remarks.

Moreover, he revealed that the “brothers in the Kingdom explained that there won’t be a Saudi-Houthi agreement, but that should a deal be struck, it will take place between the Yemeni government and the coupists.”

Any agreement on a roadmap, which begins with the extension of the nationwide truce, a ceasefire, kicking off comprehensive consultations on political, security and military affairs, will take place between the government and Houthis, he added.

“We support and encourage the Saudi efforts because we are seeking peace and stability in Yemen and ending the war,” he stressed.

Ties between the govt and coalition

The relationship between the Yemeni government and Saudi-led Arab coalition had been criticized and some figures had addressed the issue, both directly and indirectly, during the 2022 consultations in Riyadh.

Alimi noted that the coalition was formed at the behest of the former president to restore the Yemeni state and constitution from the Houthis.

He said some of the criticism has said that eight years of joint work between the coalition and government has not yielded the desired result of reclaiming the state. “On the contrary, were it not for this intervention, the Houthis would now be in control of the whole of Yemen. Iran would now be in control of the Bab al-Mandeb and Arabian Sea straits,” stated Alimi.

“Everyone seems to forget this fact,” he continued. “A large part of Yemen has been safeguarded, so has the legitimacy of the state, which is national interest.”

“Why is it a national interest?” he asked. “Take a look of Somalia. For 30 years, it remained without an identity and its citizens did not have passports or a government. At least the Yemenis today have passports and international recognition.”

“Hypothetically, if the Houthis had taken over the whole of Yemen, I am certain that the international and regional communities would not have recognized their government. The suffering of the Yemeni people would probably have been worse than it is now if it weren't for the intervention of the coalition,” stressed Alimi.

“Setting aside the negatives, one of the greatest achievements [of the coalition] was preventing the Houthis from taking over the entire country. The Yemeni government is still in control of the straits and the identity of the Yemeni nation has been preserved,” he added.

He did, however, acknowledge errors that have been committed by the government and coalition. “Mistakes happen during work. Everyone recognized the errors and made them right.”

Moreover, Alimi praised the financial and development support provided by the members of the coalition to Yemen, the latest of which was Saudi Arabia’s deposit of one billion dollars this week in the country’s central bank.

He thanked the Kingdom, saying its gesture was an “example of solidarity and a reflection of the Kingdom’s responsible vision of Yemen, its identity and people.”

Political process

Alimi believes that the root of Yemen’s problems is the obstruction of the political process. Its economic problems, war, internal conflicts, deep poverty and unprecedented humanitarian disaster can all be traced to the obstruction of the political process.

He revealed that he met with Belgium’s King Philippe and explained to him the crisis in his country, starting from 2011. He detailed to him the Gulf initiative that sought to end the tensions between the Yemenis that could have devolved into war. He spoke of the national dialogue that the Houthis were a part of, the constitutional committee and efforts to hold a constitutional referendum.

“We were on the verge of electing a new president and parliament when the Houthi coup took place” in 2014, he added. “This is the sum of the situation. The war, humanitarian crisis, and everything else happened as a result of the halt of the political process.”

Yemen’s main problem can be summed up in two words: exclusion and marginalization. They can be resolved through consensus and partnership, stated Alimi.

Houthis and political maturity

The Houthis, lamented Alimi, have “violated all the values the Yemeni people have known throughout their history.” The Houthi actions have struck at the core of the Yemeni social fabric, he went on to say. He believes that should United Nations-sponsored elections be held in Yemen, the Houthis would not win a single vote, citing how back in the 1990s, they had only ever won one seat in parliament.

In 2018, then American Ambassador to Yemen Matthew Toller told Asharq Al-Awsat that a political solution can only be achieved when the Houthis reach “political maturity”.

Asharq Al-Awsat asked Alimi: “When will the Houthis become politically mature?”

“Perhaps after 40,” he quipped, referring to the leader of the Houthis who is under 40 years of age.

More seriously, however, the Houthis may begin to mature politically once they stop sanctifying religious rulers, he said. The Yemenis themselves have always opposed this and some Houthi figures have also criticized this concept.

The other condition is for them to abandon the Iranian-Persian expansionist agenda in the region. The Iranians want to strip Islam of its true values and teachings to further their political goals, Alimi said.

Iran and the European position

Observers have noted that Iran’s providing of Russia of drones in the war on Ukraine has opened the discussion over the dangers of Tehran’s aircraft. Yemen and the entire region have complained about the Iranian drones and agenda in the region.

Alimi said: “We have spoken about this before and none of those countries had listened. But now that the drones have reached Ukraine, the West and Americans have started to think about this problem because their main interests have been harmed.”

“I believe that the European position has changed. This could be a blessing in disguise. We do not support war anywhere in the world, but perhaps this could be a message to the western and international community to sense the dangers that we had previously warned of,” he added.

“Who would have ever thought that European countries would one day demand the terrorist designation of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards?” he asked.

He revealed that Yemeni officials had held talks in Brussels to that end. Alimi said he had spoken to head of the European Union and praised him on the bloc’s “progressive stance.”

“We are being harmed by the Guards, which are the source of all problems in our region,” he stressed. “There is one command center that is running the situation in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Yemen and perhaps other regions.”

Truce

Yemen enjoyed a nationwide ceasefire between the government forces and Houthis from April to October 2022. The Houthis refused to extend the truce for another six months in spite of the efforts of United Nations envoy Hans Grundberg.

The truce called for a ceasefire, reopening Sanaa airport and routes to Houthi-besieged Taiz and allowing the import of fuel through Houthi-held Hodeidah.

The government committed to all articles of the truce and offered several concessions when it could have just as easily impeded it, but it prioritized the people’s interests. The Houthis, on the other hand, did not commit to any articles related to Taiz and the ceasefire was widely violated by the militias on a nearly daily basis, as documented by the government and local organizations.

Even though the truce may have ended, the government still remains committed to the ceasefire and has not stopped Sanaa flights or the flow of fuel into Hodeidah. The Houthis, meanwhile have committed numerous violations, including attacks on oil ports that the UN Security Council, EU and United States have described as terrorist.

Asharq Al-Awsat asked Alimi why the government has continued to allow Sanaa flights because they appear to be a political gain for the Houthis. His reply was surprising, saying that it was not a gain for the Houthis, but rather the government. Moreover, he said he was not thinking about who was gaining what, but was more concerned with the interests of the people.

“Our goal is not the Houthis, but tending to our people because we are a government for all Yemenis. This is not a gain for the Houthis, but one for the government, and more importantly, for all Yemenis,” he stressed.

“We want the people to have an outlet from the Houthi pressure, oppression, and great prison they are held in,” he remarked.

National shield

The formation of the “National Shield Forces” was announced in January, sparking a heated debate over its purpose. Alimi explained that the force was supposed to be formed even before the establishment of his Presidential Leadership Council in April 2022.

As part of the PLC, “we were considering our next military plan and the need for a reserve force that would be aligned to the state,” he explained. There have been thousands of martyrs on various fronts, such as al-Jawf, Lahj, Saada, Marib, Taiz, Shabwa, Hodeidah and others.

“There was a need for new blood and the National Shield Forces was that,” he noted. “It is a reserve force that will not replace any other one, such as the republican or presidential guards, rather, it will carry out any mission tasked to it by the PLC,” he added.

Yearning for Sanaa

“Have you missed Sanaa?” Asharq Al-Awsat asked Alimi. He replied: “Of course. Several people have told me that my house has now been seized by the Houthis, to which I respond that once the nation is reclaimed, then houses will be returned to their owners.”

“Several people who have taken an ambiguous stance towards the legitimacy and the Houthis have done so out of their fear over their families and properties,” he went on to say. “I once asked someone if it was possible for them to return to their home in Sanaa and live in freedom and enjoy a normal life, to which they replied that it was not.”

“I told him, of course it wasn’t because the country has been abducted, not the homes. When the nation is restored, so will the homes, which are nothing but piles of rocks that have no value when compared to freedom, equality, rights and justice,” Alimi stressed.



Hadi’s Death Ends a Journey Through Transformation in Yemen

 Former Yemeni president during his address to the UN annual meeting (United Nations)
Former Yemeni president during his address to the UN annual meeting (United Nations)
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Hadi’s Death Ends a Journey Through Transformation in Yemen

 Former Yemeni president during his address to the UN annual meeting (United Nations)
Former Yemeni president during his address to the UN annual meeting (United Nations)

Former Yemeni President Field Marshal Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi died on Thursday in the Saudi capital, Riyadh, at the age of 81, closing one of the most complex political and military chapters in Yemen’s history since unification in 1990.

Hadi’s name became closely associated with Yemen’s transitional period, the National Dialogue Conference, and the prolonged war that erupted after the Houthis overthrew the state in late 2014.

He was neither a confrontational leader nor a populist figure. Throughout his career, he was seen as a quiet institutional figure who preferred to work behind the scenes and avoided sharp confrontations, even while at the center of some of the gravest crises in Yemen’s modern history.

That left his legacy divided between two contrasting views. Supporters regarded him as a consensus figure who spared the country an even deeper collapse, while critics held him responsible for failing to confront the Houthis’ expansion as most of northern Yemen fell under their control.

Hadi was born on Sept. 1, 1945, in the village of Dhakin in Al-Wadea district of Abyan province in southern Yemen. He grew up in a modest rural setting before turning to a military life early.

He received military training at several foreign academies, most notably Britain’s Royal Military Academy Sandhurst, where he graduated in 1966. He also pursued higher military studies at Egypt’s Nasser Military Academy and took specialized courses in the former Soviet Union.

Hadi rose through the ranks of the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (formerly South Yemen) and held command posts in the armored corps. The bloody events of January 1986 became the defining turning point in his political and military path.

After the faction of former Southern President Ali Nasser Mohammed lost those confrontations, Hadi left for Sanaa with thousands of southern military personnel. There, he began a new phase inside the northern Yemeni state before Yemen’s two parts united in 1990.

Hadi’s profile rose during the summer war of 1994, when the late President Ali Abdullah Saleh appointed him defense minister to fight the attempted secession led by the then vice president, the late Ali Salem al-Beidh.

After the war ended and unity was consolidated, Saleh named Hadi vice president in October 1994. He remained in the post for about 18 years, one of the longest vice presidential tenures in Yemen’s history.

During those years, Hadi became known inside the ruling establishment as the “silent man.” He rarely entered battles among centers of power or became a visible party to the tribal and military rivalries surrounding Saleh.

He kept the image of a disciplined administrative and military official, making him acceptable to domestic and foreign players as a non-confrontational figure.

President of the transition

When protests erupted in 2011 against Saleh’s rule, Yemen entered a period of deep political turmoil that ended with the Gulf initiative, which transferred power to Hadi as a consensus president for the transition.

In February 2012, Hadi was elected Yemen’s consensus president with broad local, regional, and international backing, amid hopes he could rescue the country from collapse and rebuild the state on new foundations.

The main early milestone of his rule was the comprehensive National Dialogue Conference between 2013 and 2014. The conference brought together political and social forces, including the Houthis and the Southern Movement, to draft a project for a modern federal state.

Many Yemenis saw the National Dialogue as a historic chance to end chronic conflicts and build a new state. But later events pushed the country in a completely different direction.

In September 2014, the Houthis swept into the capital Sanaa, and seized state institutions before placing Hadi under house arrest.

Although he submitted his resignation under pressure, Hadi fled to Aden in February 2015 and said he remained committed to his constitutional legitimacy. Expanding Houthi attacks later drove him to Riyadh.

From the Saudi capital, Hadi led the internationally recognized government throughout the years of war. He relied on broad support from the Saudi-led Arab coalition and on the political and legal cover provided by UN Security Council Resolution 2216.

During those years, his government retained the recognition of the United Nations and the international community. Hadi continued to represent Yemen abroad despite losing effective authority over the seized capital, Sanaa, and large parts of the north.

A contested legacy

Hadi’s personality and governing style divided Yemenis and observers.

Critics said his calm temperament and tendency to wait weakened state institutions at decisive moments. They said his slow decision-making allowed the Houthis to expand and take Sanaa. He was also criticized for relying on partisan and tribal networks that failed to settle the battle.

Supporters said he inherited an exhausted country and a divided army, and faced an armed project backed by a regional power in highly exceptional circumstances.

They argue that Hadi preserved the legal legitimacy of the Yemeni state and prevented its complete slide into international isolation.

People close to him also say his commitment to dialogue and consensus was not a weakness, but a political conviction that spared Yemen wider wars in the early stages of the crisis.

Throughout his rule, Hadi enjoyed exceptional regional and international support. Gulf states, led by Saudi Arabia, backed the transfer of power in Yemen through the Gulf initiative.

After the Houthi takeover, Hadi became the face of the only internationally recognized Yemeni legitimacy. He received broad political and military support from the Arab coalition, as well as backing from the United States and European countries.

During the war years, Yemen kept its seat at the United Nations and other international organizations in the name of Hadi’s government. That was seen as one of his most important political achievements, especially as the Houthis sought international recognition.

Leaving power quietly

In April 2022, Hadi announced he was transferring all his powers to the Presidential Leadership Council headed by Rashad al-Alimi, a move widely seen as a pivotal shift inside the internationally recognized camp.

The decision followed Yemeni-Yemeni consultations hosted by Riyadh, amid pressure to reorganize anti-Houthi forces and unite their political and military components.

The step drew a broad regional and international welcome as a peaceful and orderly transfer of power. Hadi then chose to withdraw almost completely from politics during his final years.

The Yemeni presidency announced on Thursday that Hadi had died after health problems, praising what it described as his “national positions” and his role in preserving legitimacy and Yemen’s unity.

With his death, Yemen loses the last president to lead the unified country under full international recognition before state institutions fragmented and the open war was triggered by the Iran-backed Houthis.

He leaves behind a political and military legacy that will remain the subject of long debate among Yemenis.

The man who came to power as the “consensus candidate” found himself leading a country collapsing under divisions and the Houthi takeover. He remained committed to the legitimacy of the state until he left office, then departed quietly, drawing the curtain on one of the most complex chapters in Yemen’s contemporary history.


Sadr Gives Armed Wing One Week to Join Gov’t

A motorcycle passes a poster of Muqtada al-Sadr on a street in Baghdad, May 27, 2026 (AFP)
A motorcycle passes a poster of Muqtada al-Sadr on a street in Baghdad, May 27, 2026 (AFP)
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Sadr Gives Armed Wing One Week to Join Gov’t

A motorcycle passes a poster of Muqtada al-Sadr on a street in Baghdad, May 27, 2026 (AFP)
A motorcycle passes a poster of Muqtada al-Sadr on a street in Baghdad, May 27, 2026 (AFP)

Sadrist movement leader Muqtada al-Sadr has given his armed wing one week to complete its break from the movement and join state institutions, as a senior figure in Iraq’s ruling Coordination Framework described “armed resistance” as a “burden on society.”

Sadr said on Wednesday he was merging his armed wing, Saraya al-Salam, into the state and called on Popular Mobilization Forces factions to hand over their weapons.

A day later, he ordered Saraya al-Salam commanders to complete the separation and integration process within a week.

A document issued by Sadr’s office said he had “assigned a number of commanders in Saraya al-Salam to complete the procedures for separating the military side from the movement and move toward integration with state institutions.”

According to the document, Sadr tasked the director of his private office, Haider al-Jabri, the military adviser, Abu Doaa al-Issawi, the jihadist aide, Tahseen al-Hamidawi, and other officials with completing the separation within one week.

The full handover is to be completed by June 5, with the civilian side folded into Al-Bunyan al-Marsous in coordination with official authorities.

Members of the Sadrist movement say Al-Bunyan al-Marsous is a charitable institution that provides social assistance to different groups inside and outside Iraq.

Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi welcomed Sadr’s move, saying it marked “an important path toward strengthening internal stability and consolidating the principle of restricting weapons to the state.”

Zaidi called on all factions to work under the umbrella of the state and its official institutions, stressing that the state “is the sole authority authorized to carry weapons and enforce the law.”

Sadr had previously announced the dismantling of his armed wing in 2017 and 2019, but his latest position comes as a new government faces regional and international pressure to disarm factions.

Saraya al-Salam is part of the Popular Mobilization Forces through brigades 313, 314 and 315, and carries out security duties in several areas, most notably Samarra.

Rejection of uncontrolled weapons

Asaib Ahl al-Haq, led by Qais al-Khazali, said the movement and its parliamentary wing, the Sadiqoun bloc, believe in the authority of the state and in restricting weapons to its control, rejecting any uncontrolled arms or weapons outside official institutions.

Khaled al-Saadi, a member of Sadiqoun’s political bureau, told the press that “Asaib supports restricting weapons to the state, provided the state can protect Iraq’s security by land, air and sea from various threats.”

Asaib Ahl al-Haq leader Qais al-Khazali said earlier that “a resistance that does not have an integrated project for construction and development may, over time, become a burden on society.”

Kataib Sayyid al-Shuhada spokesman Kazem al-Fartousi said his faction’s position on handing over weapons to the government was “firm and not subject to change,” but added that “resistance weapons” would remain as long as the reasons for their existence continued.

Fartousi told the press that “the brigades view their support for Prime Minister Zaidi in managing the state and achieving stability as positive, but at the same time reject the idea of handing over weapons at the current stage.”

He also criticized the idea of “directly integrating all armed formations into the security services,” saying “each side has its own specialization, and any discussion of full integration into state institutions is linked to specific security and political circumstances,” as he put it.

It is widely rumored that five armed factions have agreed to restrict their weapons to government institutions, though no clear details have emerged on how such a process would be carried out. Harakat al-Nujaba and Kataib Hezbollah, however, have refused to comply with disarmament requests.

Nazem al-Saidi, head of Harakat al-Nujaba’s executive council, said earlier this month that efforts to restrict weapons target “undisciplined” arms that cause “chaos,” not “resistance weapons.”

Disarmament plan

Asharq Al-Awsat revealed on May 9, 2026, that an Iraqi committee, including Prime Minister-designate Zaidi, outgoing Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, and Hadi al-Amiri, was working to complete an “executive project” to disarm armed factions, ahead of presenting it to Washington, amid mounting US pressure to keep militias away from the new government and state institutions.

The committee had presented militia leaders with “ideas on how to disarm,” but some meetings “did not proceed calmly,” according to people familiar with the matter.

The plan includes removing heavy and medium weapons and restructuring the Popular Mobilization Forces, alongside expected changes to sensitive security agencies, including the intelligence service.

But political sources questioned the government’s ability to implement the project, saying it may be aimed at “buying time.” Prominent factions, including Kataib Hezbollah and Harakat al-Nujaba, have declared they will not hand over weapons “whatever the cost.”


Israel PM Says Orders Army to Take Control of 70 Percent of Gaza Strip

Palestinians gather on a heavily damaged street to perform morning prayers marking the start of Eid al-Adha in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on May 27, 2026. (AFP)
Palestinians gather on a heavily damaged street to perform morning prayers marking the start of Eid al-Adha in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on May 27, 2026. (AFP)
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Israel PM Says Orders Army to Take Control of 70 Percent of Gaza Strip

Palestinians gather on a heavily damaged street to perform morning prayers marking the start of Eid al-Adha in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on May 27, 2026. (AFP)
Palestinians gather on a heavily damaged street to perform morning prayers marking the start of Eid al-Adha in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip on May 27, 2026. (AFP)

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Thursday he had ordered the country's military to take control of 70 percent of the Gaza Strip, in defiance of the terms of a fragile ceasefire that took effect in October.

"We are currently squeezing Hamas. We now control 60 percent of the territory in the strip," he said at a conference in an occupied West Bank settlement, according to a video aired by Israel's Channel 12 network.

He said the military had controlled 50 percent of Gaza under the terms of the ceasefire, adding: "My directive is to move to... 70 percent".

"We're squeezing them from all (sides). We'll deal with what's left afterwards."

The first phase of the truce saw the last hostages seized in Hamas's October 7, 2023 attacks on Israel, which triggered the war in Gaza, released in exchange for Palestinians detained by Israel.

The transition to the second phase, which was supposed to involve Hamas's disarmament and a gradual withdrawal of the Israeli army, has been stalled for months.

Under the terms of the ceasefire, Israeli forces were to pull back behind a so-called "yellow line", a demarcation between the area under Hamas control and that held by the Israeli army.

Netanyahu announced on May 15 that the Israeli army had expanded its grip on the Gaza Strip.

"There were those who said: get out, get out. We did not get out. Today we control... how much? 60 percent. Tomorrow we shall see," he said at the time.

Gaza remains gripped by daily violence, with both the Israeli military and Hamas accusing one another of violating the truce in effect since October 10.

Israel has killed more than 900 people since the ceasefire, according to Gaza's health ministry, which operates under Hamas authority and whose figures are considered reliable by the United Nations.

Israel said on Wednesday it had killed the new head of Hamas's armed wing in Gaza, Mohammed Odeh, after killing his predecessor earlier this month.

Since Hamas's October 2023 attack, Israel has systematically targeted the group's leaders, both in Gaza and across the region.

Odeh is the fourth head of the Ezzedine Al-Qassam Brigades that Israel says it has killed since the start of the Gaza war.

On Wednesday, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz repeated Israel's goal of ending Hamas's rule over the Palestinian territory and alluded to a plan for the forced displacement of its residents.

"The plan for voluntary migration from Gaza will also be implemented -- everything will be done at the right time and in the right way," he said.