Al-Alimi to Asharq Al-Awsat: We Support and Encourage Saudi Mediation with Houthis

Dr. Rashad al-Alimi speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat during an interview in Brussels. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Dr. Rashad al-Alimi speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat during an interview in Brussels. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Al-Alimi to Asharq Al-Awsat: We Support and Encourage Saudi Mediation with Houthis

Dr. Rashad al-Alimi speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat during an interview in Brussels. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Dr. Rashad al-Alimi speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat during an interview in Brussels. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Chairman of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council (PLC) Dr. Rashad al-Alimi said the country’s political problems can be summed up in two words: exclusion and marginalization, while they can be resolved through consensus and partnership.

In an exclusive interview to Asharq Al-Awsat, he underscored his support to the Saudi mediation with the Iran-backed Houthi militias with Oman’s participation. He confirmed that the Yemeni government is receiving constant updates from the Saudis about the progress of the talks, adding that ultimately, any final agreement will take place between the government and Houthis.

Alimi is currently in Brussels, the first leg of a European tour.

Saudi mediation with Houthis

Asked about the progress in the Saudi mediation with the Houthis, he remarked that this was not the first time that the Kingdom had sought to contact the militias. He cited the Dhahran al-Janub understandings and how the militias reneged on them. He noted that channels of communication had also been open when he was aide to former President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi.

“We believe that the discussions and communication are positive because they will serve the peace process and stability in Yemen,” Alimi remarks.

Moreover, he revealed that the “brothers in the Kingdom explained that there won’t be a Saudi-Houthi agreement, but that should a deal be struck, it will take place between the Yemeni government and the coupists.”

Any agreement on a roadmap, which begins with the extension of the nationwide truce, a ceasefire, kicking off comprehensive consultations on political, security and military affairs, will take place between the government and Houthis, he added.

“We support and encourage the Saudi efforts because we are seeking peace and stability in Yemen and ending the war,” he stressed.

Ties between the govt and coalition

The relationship between the Yemeni government and Saudi-led Arab coalition had been criticized and some figures had addressed the issue, both directly and indirectly, during the 2022 consultations in Riyadh.

Alimi noted that the coalition was formed at the behest of the former president to restore the Yemeni state and constitution from the Houthis.

He said some of the criticism has said that eight years of joint work between the coalition and government has not yielded the desired result of reclaiming the state. “On the contrary, were it not for this intervention, the Houthis would now be in control of the whole of Yemen. Iran would now be in control of the Bab al-Mandeb and Arabian Sea straits,” stated Alimi.

“Everyone seems to forget this fact,” he continued. “A large part of Yemen has been safeguarded, so has the legitimacy of the state, which is national interest.”

“Why is it a national interest?” he asked. “Take a look of Somalia. For 30 years, it remained without an identity and its citizens did not have passports or a government. At least the Yemenis today have passports and international recognition.”

“Hypothetically, if the Houthis had taken over the whole of Yemen, I am certain that the international and regional communities would not have recognized their government. The suffering of the Yemeni people would probably have been worse than it is now if it weren't for the intervention of the coalition,” stressed Alimi.

“Setting aside the negatives, one of the greatest achievements [of the coalition] was preventing the Houthis from taking over the entire country. The Yemeni government is still in control of the straits and the identity of the Yemeni nation has been preserved,” he added.

He did, however, acknowledge errors that have been committed by the government and coalition. “Mistakes happen during work. Everyone recognized the errors and made them right.”

Moreover, Alimi praised the financial and development support provided by the members of the coalition to Yemen, the latest of which was Saudi Arabia’s deposit of one billion dollars this week in the country’s central bank.

He thanked the Kingdom, saying its gesture was an “example of solidarity and a reflection of the Kingdom’s responsible vision of Yemen, its identity and people.”

Political process

Alimi believes that the root of Yemen’s problems is the obstruction of the political process. Its economic problems, war, internal conflicts, deep poverty and unprecedented humanitarian disaster can all be traced to the obstruction of the political process.

He revealed that he met with Belgium’s King Philippe and explained to him the crisis in his country, starting from 2011. He detailed to him the Gulf initiative that sought to end the tensions between the Yemenis that could have devolved into war. He spoke of the national dialogue that the Houthis were a part of, the constitutional committee and efforts to hold a constitutional referendum.

“We were on the verge of electing a new president and parliament when the Houthi coup took place” in 2014, he added. “This is the sum of the situation. The war, humanitarian crisis, and everything else happened as a result of the halt of the political process.”

Yemen’s main problem can be summed up in two words: exclusion and marginalization. They can be resolved through consensus and partnership, stated Alimi.

Houthis and political maturity

The Houthis, lamented Alimi, have “violated all the values the Yemeni people have known throughout their history.” The Houthi actions have struck at the core of the Yemeni social fabric, he went on to say. He believes that should United Nations-sponsored elections be held in Yemen, the Houthis would not win a single vote, citing how back in the 1990s, they had only ever won one seat in parliament.

In 2018, then American Ambassador to Yemen Matthew Toller told Asharq Al-Awsat that a political solution can only be achieved when the Houthis reach “political maturity”.

Asharq Al-Awsat asked Alimi: “When will the Houthis become politically mature?”

“Perhaps after 40,” he quipped, referring to the leader of the Houthis who is under 40 years of age.

More seriously, however, the Houthis may begin to mature politically once they stop sanctifying religious rulers, he said. The Yemenis themselves have always opposed this and some Houthi figures have also criticized this concept.

The other condition is for them to abandon the Iranian-Persian expansionist agenda in the region. The Iranians want to strip Islam of its true values and teachings to further their political goals, Alimi said.

Iran and the European position

Observers have noted that Iran’s providing of Russia of drones in the war on Ukraine has opened the discussion over the dangers of Tehran’s aircraft. Yemen and the entire region have complained about the Iranian drones and agenda in the region.

Alimi said: “We have spoken about this before and none of those countries had listened. But now that the drones have reached Ukraine, the West and Americans have started to think about this problem because their main interests have been harmed.”

“I believe that the European position has changed. This could be a blessing in disguise. We do not support war anywhere in the world, but perhaps this could be a message to the western and international community to sense the dangers that we had previously warned of,” he added.

“Who would have ever thought that European countries would one day demand the terrorist designation of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards?” he asked.

He revealed that Yemeni officials had held talks in Brussels to that end. Alimi said he had spoken to head of the European Union and praised him on the bloc’s “progressive stance.”

“We are being harmed by the Guards, which are the source of all problems in our region,” he stressed. “There is one command center that is running the situation in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Yemen and perhaps other regions.”

Truce

Yemen enjoyed a nationwide ceasefire between the government forces and Houthis from April to October 2022. The Houthis refused to extend the truce for another six months in spite of the efforts of United Nations envoy Hans Grundberg.

The truce called for a ceasefire, reopening Sanaa airport and routes to Houthi-besieged Taiz and allowing the import of fuel through Houthi-held Hodeidah.

The government committed to all articles of the truce and offered several concessions when it could have just as easily impeded it, but it prioritized the people’s interests. The Houthis, on the other hand, did not commit to any articles related to Taiz and the ceasefire was widely violated by the militias on a nearly daily basis, as documented by the government and local organizations.

Even though the truce may have ended, the government still remains committed to the ceasefire and has not stopped Sanaa flights or the flow of fuel into Hodeidah. The Houthis, meanwhile have committed numerous violations, including attacks on oil ports that the UN Security Council, EU and United States have described as terrorist.

Asharq Al-Awsat asked Alimi why the government has continued to allow Sanaa flights because they appear to be a political gain for the Houthis. His reply was surprising, saying that it was not a gain for the Houthis, but rather the government. Moreover, he said he was not thinking about who was gaining what, but was more concerned with the interests of the people.

“Our goal is not the Houthis, but tending to our people because we are a government for all Yemenis. This is not a gain for the Houthis, but one for the government, and more importantly, for all Yemenis,” he stressed.

“We want the people to have an outlet from the Houthi pressure, oppression, and great prison they are held in,” he remarked.

National shield

The formation of the “National Shield Forces” was announced in January, sparking a heated debate over its purpose. Alimi explained that the force was supposed to be formed even before the establishment of his Presidential Leadership Council in April 2022.

As part of the PLC, “we were considering our next military plan and the need for a reserve force that would be aligned to the state,” he explained. There have been thousands of martyrs on various fronts, such as al-Jawf, Lahj, Saada, Marib, Taiz, Shabwa, Hodeidah and others.

“There was a need for new blood and the National Shield Forces was that,” he noted. “It is a reserve force that will not replace any other one, such as the republican or presidential guards, rather, it will carry out any mission tasked to it by the PLC,” he added.

Yearning for Sanaa

“Have you missed Sanaa?” Asharq Al-Awsat asked Alimi. He replied: “Of course. Several people have told me that my house has now been seized by the Houthis, to which I respond that once the nation is reclaimed, then houses will be returned to their owners.”

“Several people who have taken an ambiguous stance towards the legitimacy and the Houthis have done so out of their fear over their families and properties,” he went on to say. “I once asked someone if it was possible for them to return to their home in Sanaa and live in freedom and enjoy a normal life, to which they replied that it was not.”

“I told him, of course it wasn’t because the country has been abducted, not the homes. When the nation is restored, so will the homes, which are nothing but piles of rocks that have no value when compared to freedom, equality, rights and justice,” Alimi stressed.



What Does the End of MINURSO Mean for the Future of Western Sahara?

A United Nations Security Council meeting titled "Maintenance of international peace and security" at UN headquarters in New York City, US, October 29, 2026. REUTERS/Jeenah Moon
A United Nations Security Council meeting titled "Maintenance of international peace and security" at UN headquarters in New York City, US, October 29, 2026. REUTERS/Jeenah Moon
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What Does the End of MINURSO Mean for the Future of Western Sahara?

A United Nations Security Council meeting titled "Maintenance of international peace and security" at UN headquarters in New York City, US, October 29, 2026. REUTERS/Jeenah Moon
A United Nations Security Council meeting titled "Maintenance of international peace and security" at UN headquarters in New York City, US, October 29, 2026. REUTERS/Jeenah Moon

Russia has plunged the Western Sahara dispute into an unprecedented geopolitical impasse after vetoing an amended US-drafted resolution at the United Nations Security Council that sought to fundamentally reshape the longstanding regional conflict.

Although the US draft secured the support of 11 council members, Russia's unexpected veto blocked its adoption.

Washington responded swiftly, using its own veto to block a rival Russian draft resolution that proposed a conventional technical extension of the UN mission's mandate without altering its underlying structure.

The diplomatic confrontation between the two powers prompted Morocco's King Mohammed VI to announce, in an urgent statement issued by the Royal Cabinet, the closure of the chapter on the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) after 35 years of operations.

The king also called for the issue to be removed entirely and permanently from the Security Council's agenda, describing the existing framework as outdated and ineffective on the ground.

Competing legal frameworks and the legacy of Resolution 2797

At the heart of the dispute between Washington and Moscow are competing legal and institutional frameworks that each side has sought to establish, a confrontation that began taking shape with the adoption of Security Council Resolution 2797 on Oct. 31, 2025.

That resolution marked a significant shift by endorsing Morocco's autonomy proposal as the basis for negotiations.

The latest US draft sought to build on Resolution 2797 by establishing expanded autonomy as the exclusive and definitive framework for resolving the dispute, removing references to a referendum from the UN framework and reducing the mission's military component ahead of its eventual administrative dissolution.

Russia, by contrast, sought to halt that process, which Washington had pursued under the framework established by Resolution 2797.

Moscow's permanent representative to the United Nations objected to what he described as an attempt to override existing balances, while Russia introduced an alternative resolution proposing to extend MINURSO's mandate until Oct. 31, 2027.

The Russian proposal would have retained the mission's name and traditional responsibilities, leaving room for broader interpretations of the political process that could accommodate all parties, including Algeria and the Polisario Front.

What does the shift mean for the parties and their allies?

The change in the international approach to Western Sahara is reshaping the calculations of regional and international powers involved in the dispute.

For Morocco's international allies, the Security Council deadlock presents a new reality.

Major European capitals, including Paris and Madrid, now face pressure to translate their political support for Morocco's autonomy initiative into direct bilateral and economic partnerships with Rabat, rather than relying primarily on diplomatic negotiations and votes at the United Nations.

Moroccan diplomacy has increasingly favored that approach as an alternative to the UN-led framework.

Meanwhile, countries supporting the traditional UN approach, including African governments aligned with Algeria, face a different set of challenges.

Although Russia's veto succeeded in blocking the US attempt to rewrite the legal framework governing the dispute, it also shifted greater responsibility for maintaining stability to regional actors.

Regional alliances may therefore have to reconsider their strategies in dealing with a Morocco seeking to exercise full sovereignty over the territory without UN monitoring, and a Polisario Front searching for alternative diplomatic channels to compensate for the loss of the Security Council framework.

What next for regional stability after the institutional vacuum?

The region is entering a new phase in the management of the Western Sahara dispute following the expiration of MINURSO's mandate without renewal.

The absence of a renewed mandate threatens to end the mission's longstanding role as an international third-party observer monitoring the lines of contact and ceasefire arrangements.

Without that UN framework, the parties could face fewer institutional and diplomatic constraints, leaving developments on the ground increasingly dependent on their respective positions on sovereignty and territorial control.

Morocco views the mission's absence as an opportunity to end what it considers a temporary arrangement and proceed with the administration and development of the territory it claims as its own, without the restrictions associated with UN monitoring and reporting.

The Algeria-backed Polisario Front, meanwhile, faces the prospect of losing a central UN platform through which it has pursued its demand for a referendum on self-determination.

The institutional shift could move the dispute away from the Security Council's negotiating chambers and toward developments on the ground and direct bilateral diplomacy.

The future of stability and sovereignty in North Africa would then depend increasingly on the measures taken by the parties themselves and the regional and international alliances supporting them.


Lebanese Concern Over 'Third War' Despite Hezbollah Assurances

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun inspects military units deployed in Zawtar al-Gharbiya, southern Lebanon (File photo: Lebanese Presidency)
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun inspects military units deployed in Zawtar al-Gharbiya, southern Lebanon (File photo: Lebanese Presidency)
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Lebanese Concern Over 'Third War' Despite Hezbollah Assurances

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun inspects military units deployed in Zawtar al-Gharbiya, southern Lebanon (File photo: Lebanese Presidency)
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun inspects military units deployed in Zawtar al-Gharbiya, southern Lebanon (File photo: Lebanese Presidency)

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun is standing firm on negotiations as the "only path" out of the country's crisis after two wars between Hezbollah and Israel.

But the threat of a third war continues to loom large, despite fresh assurances from Hezbollah that it would stay out of any new confrontation involving Iran, the United States and Israel.

Aoun has heard such promises before. He received similar assurances ahead of the second war last March, only for Hezbollah to reverse course following the assassination of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.

Mindful of a Lebanese proverb warning against repeating a failed experience, Aoun is taking the latest assurances with caution. He is equally wary of a tentative dialogue recently opened with Hezbollah.

The president fears a third war could devastate southern Lebanon, particularly the Shiite community, following warnings delivered to him and other Lebanese officials.

The latest came in a telephone call with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who warned that Hezbollah's entry into any new conflict "would have devastating consequences."

Elections deepen negotiating deadlock

Two elections have cast a long shadow over Lebanon's negotiations with Israel: one in the United States, the sole official sponsor of the talks, and another in Israel.

Concessions from Israel were difficult to secure even under a strong government. Now, inconclusive election results in Israel threaten to prolong the negotiating deadlock.

Washington has yet to set a date for another round of political or military talks, awaiting a clearer picture of Israel's political landscape.

But Beirut does not see the impasse as proof that negotiations have failed.

Aoun continues to confront critics of his approach with a simple question: What is the alternative?

He insists negotiations remain the only way to protect Lebanon and offer its people a measure of hope after the devastating crisis they have endured.

The latest round of military-level talks in the United States underscored the deadlock.

Israeli representatives declined to respond to several Lebanese proposals, saying they needed to consult their political leadership. The talks ended without clear results.

Yet a Lebanese official source told Asharq Al-Awsat that the outcome should not be viewed as a failure.

The US side, the source said, was impressed by the Lebanese military delegation's presentation of the army's achievements, contradicting the Israeli side's initial portrayal of its performance. Israeli representatives eventually acknowledged those achievements.

The source said US General Joseph Clearfield explicitly praised the Lebanese army's presentation.

In the small village of Zawtar al-Gharbiya alone, the army carried out more than 1,200 operations to remove ammunition, weapons and military infrastructure after Israeli forces withdrew, the source said.

The village was among the "pilot zones" designated under an arrangement that was never completed because of Israel's failure to cooperate.

Dispute over who verifies disarmament

A dispute over who should verify that the pilot zones are free of weapons remains a key obstacle to resuming negotiations.

Two proposals are on the table, and neither has won agreement.

Israel wants a non-governmental organization (NGO) to carry out the verification, an option Lebanon rejects.

Lebanon instead wants the task assigned to the UN Truce Supervision Organization, whose observers have been stationed in the country since 1949. Israel opposes that proposal.

Aoun defends the army

Aoun has also moved to defend the Lebanese army against mounting criticism, praising its performance and warning against campaigns targeting an institution he considers a guarantee of national security.

Such attacks do little to strengthen domestic stability, he has told visitors, but they will not derail the army's national mission.

The president maintains that the military has "no independent position or agenda of its own" and acts strictly on instructions from the political leadership.

That includes its refusal to open direct channels with the Israeli military.

Aoun said he personally ordered the army not to establish such contact because "it is still far too early" to discuss it.

"Under the current circumstances, direct communication is impossible while the Israeli army occupies our territory and attacks it every day," he said.

Hezbollah explosives stir controversy

A Lebanese official source has played down the uproar over explosives seized by Lebanese security forces in an operation involving Hezbollah members, describing the controversy as excessive.

The case "has followed its legal course. If further steps are required once the investigations are completed, we will take them," the source said.

The remarks appeared to allude to the possibility of referring the case to Lebanon's Judicial Council.

The source stressed that the seizure was hardly unprecedented.

The Lebanese army had carried out two similar operations earlier in the week, followed by a fourth. Previous seizures had also taken place across the country, including in the Bekaa Valley, southern Lebanon and Beirut, without provoking comparable controversy.

Such operations will continue in line with the Lebanese state's commitment to ensuring that weapons remain exclusively under state control, the source said.

The source also rejected reports that Washington had pressured Beirut over the seized explosives.

During his call with Aoun, Rubio merely asked whether reports that the explosives would be returned to Hezbollah were true, the source said.

He raised no other details and requested no additional action.


Trump's Board of Peace Asks Italy to Provide Support for Gaza Security Force

Children help fill drinking water containers at a distribution point in the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on Saturday (dpa)
Children help fill drinking water containers at a distribution point in the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on Saturday (dpa)
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Trump's Board of Peace Asks Italy to Provide Support for Gaza Security Force

Children help fill drinking water containers at a distribution point in the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on Saturday (dpa)
Children help fill drinking water containers at a distribution point in the Nuseirat refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip on Saturday (dpa)

US President Donald Trump’s Board of Peace formally asked Italy to provide advisers from the police, firefighters and the carabinieri corps to help build a new security force for the Gaza Strip, according to letters seen by Bloomberg News.

The letters, sent last month to Premier Giorgia Meloni’s government, asked Rome to commit to the initiative, name a point of contact and nominate a senior officer from the carabinieri — a military police force overseen by the Ministry of Defense — to serve as the board’s deputy police program manager.

While the carabinieri have provided training to Palestinian police for years and served in European Union peace missions in the border city of Rafah in the Strip’s south, Italy’s role in Trump’s project has been tenuous.

Meloni earlier this year declined to sign the Board of Peace charter, citing constitutional constraints.

The US asked Italy to join the board’s stabilization force as a founding member, Bloomberg News reported in January, but the country has limited itself to offering police training.

Nine months after its official launch, the board has yet to deliver on the ground, with no stabilization force or Palestinian administration inside Gaza, and no reconstruction underway.

Last month, it earmarked $2.45 billion for the reconstruction of the strip, a fraction of the $71 billion the board says is needed over a decade to rebuild the war-torn territory.

A peace deal brokered in 2025 between Israel and Hamas, which the US categorizes as a terrorist organization, requires that the Palestinian group disarm, although it has yet to do so.

People familiar with the Italian government’s thinking said Rome was considering appointing a senior officer to serve as the deputy police program manager, but that questions surrounding security have complicated any decision and that no final determination has been made.

Adding to the complexities was a spat earlier this year between Trump and Meloni that temporarily strained relations between Rome and Washington, some of the people said.

Meloni is also campaigning to be re-elected as premier in next year’s general election.

The Italian government declined to comment when contacted by Bloomberg and the US State Department referred questions to the Board of Peace.

One of the board’s officials said it was in “active discussions” with several governments over how they could contribute to the reconstruction of Gaza, where at least 77,000 have died since Israel launched a counteroffensive against Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023 attack that killed at least 1,100.

Italy has “contributed in a very positive way for several years on capacity building around police forces, and we have had very positive interactions with Italian authorities on potential support for the technocratic National Committee for the Administration of Gaza,” the official said.