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Jordan, Palestinians Slam Israeli Minister’s 'Inflammatory' Remarks

Palestinian volunteers clean the ground outside the Dome of Rock Mosque at the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound ahead of the Muslims holy month of Ramadan, in Jerusalem's Old City, Saturday, March 18, 2023. (AP)
Palestinian volunteers clean the ground outside the Dome of Rock Mosque at the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound ahead of the Muslims holy month of Ramadan, in Jerusalem's Old City, Saturday, March 18, 2023. (AP)
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Jordan, Palestinians Slam Israeli Minister’s 'Inflammatory' Remarks

Palestinian volunteers clean the ground outside the Dome of Rock Mosque at the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound ahead of the Muslims holy month of Ramadan, in Jerusalem's Old City, Saturday, March 18, 2023. (AP)
Palestinian volunteers clean the ground outside the Dome of Rock Mosque at the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound ahead of the Muslims holy month of Ramadan, in Jerusalem's Old City, Saturday, March 18, 2023. (AP)

A firebrand Israeli minister claimed there’s “no such thing” as a Palestinian people as Israel's new coalition government, its most hard-line ever, plowed ahead on Monday with a part of its plan to overhaul the judiciary.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s coalition said it was pushing a key part of the overhaul — which would give the coalition control over who becomes a justice or a judge — before the parliament takes a monthlong holiday break next week.

The development came a day after an Israeli and Palestinian delegation at a meeting in Egypt, mediated by Egyptian, Jordanian and US officials, pledged to take steps to lower tensions roiling the region ahead of a sensitive holiday season.

It reflected the limited influence the Biden administration appears to have over Israel’s new far-right government and raised questions about attempts to lower tensions, both inside Israel and with the Palestinians, ahead of a sensitive holiday season.

As the negotiators were issuing a joint communique, Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich delivered a speech in Paris saying the notion of a Palestinian people was artificial.

“There is no such thing as a Palestinian nation. There is no Palestinian history. There is no Palestinian language,” he said in France late Sunday. He spoke at a lectern draped with what appeared to be an image showing the map of Israel that included the occupied West Bank, Gaza and Jordan.

Jordan’s Foreign Ministry said that Smotrich’s appearance with the icon was a “reckless inflammatory act and a violation of international norms and the peace treaty" between the two countries.

Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh said Smotrich's remarks were “conclusive evidence of the extremist, racist Zionist ideology that governs the parties of the current Israeli government.”

A far-right settler leader who opposes Palestinian statehood, Smotrich has a history of offensive statements against the Palestinians. Last month, he called for the Palestinian town of Hawara in the West Bank to be “erased” after radical Jewish settlers rampaged through the town in response to a shooting attack that killed two Israelis. Smotrich later apologized after an international uproar.

His remarks on Palestinians were reminiscent of those made by late Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir that caused an uproar in 1969. She later told The New York Times that she meant there had never been a Palestinian nation. But critics say the comments continue to tarnish her legacy.

During Sunday’s talks in Egypt, a Palestinian gunman carried out another shooting attack in Hawara, seriously wounding an Israeli man.

The new violence, along with Smotrich’s comments, illustrated the tough challenges that lie ahead in soothing tensions after a year of deadly violence in the West Bank and east Jerusalem. More than 200 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli fire in the West Bank and east Jerusalem, and more than 40 Israelis or foreigners have been killed in Palestinian attacks during that time.

Sunday’s summit was held ahead of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, which begins this week. The Jewish festival of Passover is set to take place in April, coinciding with Ramadan.

The upcoming period is sensitive because large numbers of Jewish and Muslim faithful pour into Jerusalem’s Old City, the emotional heart of the conflict and a flashpoint for violence, increasing friction points.

Large numbers of Jews are also expected to visit a key Jerusalem holy site, known to Muslims as the Noble Sanctuary and to Jews as the Temple Mount — an act the Palestinians view as a provocation.

Clashes at the site in 2021 helped trigger an 11-day war between Israel and Hamas, which rules the Gaza Strip.

On Monday, Israeli police closed the offices of a Palestinian radio station in east Jerusalem, saying it worked for official Palestinian Authority media in violation of the 1994 interim agreements between Israel and the Palestinians.

The heightened tensions with the Palestinians coincide with mass demonstrations inside Israel against Netanyahu’s plans to overhaul the judicial system. Opponents of the measure have carried out disruptive protests, and the debate has embroiled the country’s military, where some reservists are refusing to show up for service. Netanyahu has rejected a compromise by Israel's figurehead president.

During his call with Netanyahu, Biden appealed for caution, the White House said, “as a friend of Israel in the hopes that there can be a compromise formula found.”

The president “underscored his belief that democratic values have always been, and must remain, a hallmark of the US-Israel relationship," the White House said, and added that "fundamental changes should be pursued with the broadest possible base of popular support.”

Netanyahu's government says the plan is meant to correct an imbalance that has given the courts too much power over the legislative process. Critics say the overhaul would upend the country's delicate system of checks and balances and push Israel toward authoritarianism. They also say Netanyahu could find an escape route from his corruption trial through the overhaul.

The protests, along with the rising violence with the Palestinians, have posed a major challenge for the new government. So far this year, 85 Palestinians have been killed, according to a tally by The Associated Press.

The number of Israelis killed during the same period rose to 15 on Monday after Or Eshkar, 33, died. He was shot in the head at point-blank range by a Palestinian in Tel Aviv on March 9.

Israel says most of the Palestinians killed have been gunmen. But stone-throwing youths protesting the incursions and people not involved in the confrontations have also been killed.

Israel captured the West Bank, east Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip in the 1967 Mideast war. The Palestinians seek those territories for their future independent state.

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Arab World

Three Deadly Attacks on Health Centers in Sudan's South Kordofan in Past Week, Says WHO

Sudanese families prepare to ride on trucks while on their way to Egypt through the Qustul border, after the crisis in Sudan's capital Khartoum, in the Sudanese city of Wadi Halfa, Sudan May 1, 2023. (Reuters)
Sudanese families prepare to ride on trucks while on their way to Egypt through the Qustul border, after the crisis in Sudan's capital Khartoum, in the Sudanese city of Wadi Halfa, Sudan May 1, 2023. (Reuters)
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Three Deadly Attacks on Health Centers in Sudan's South Kordofan in Past Week, Says WHO

Sudanese families prepare to ride on trucks while on their way to Egypt through the Qustul border, after the crisis in Sudan's capital Khartoum, in the Sudanese city of Wadi Halfa, Sudan May 1, 2023. (Reuters)
Sudanese families prepare to ride on trucks while on their way to Egypt through the Qustul border, after the crisis in Sudan's capital Khartoum, in the Sudanese city of Wadi Halfa, Sudan May 1, 2023. (Reuters)

Sudan's South Kordofan region has seen attacks on three health facilities in the past week alone, leaving more than 30 dead, the World Health Organization said Sunday, AFP reported.

"Sudan's health system is under attack again," WHO chief Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus said on X, pointing out that, since February 3, "three health facilities were attacked in South Kordofan, in a region already suffering acute malnutrition".

Arab World

Killing of Seif al-Islam al-Gadhafi Raises Succession Questions in September Current

Seif al-Islam al-Gadhafi (file photo, Reuters)
Seif al-Islam al-Gadhafi (file photo, Reuters)
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Killing of Seif al-Islam al-Gadhafi Raises Succession Questions in September Current

Seif al-Islam al-Gadhafi (file photo, Reuters)
Seif al-Islam al-Gadhafi (file photo, Reuters)

Since the killing of Seif al-Islam al-Gadhafi, son of Libya’s late leader Moammar Gadhafi, in the western Libyan city of Zintan last Tuesday, urgent questions have surfaced over who might succeed him in leading the political current he represented.

The questions reflect Seif al-Islam’s symbolic status among supporters of the former regime, known as the September Current, a reference to backers of the September 1 Revolution led by Moammar Gadhafi in 1969.

Search for new leadership

Othman Barka, a leading figure in the National Current that backed Seif al-Islam al-Gadhafi, said supporters of the former regime had yet to agree on a new leader but retained the organizational and political capacity to overcome the current phase and later move toward an alternative leadership framework.

Barka told Asharq Al-Awsat that ties to Gadhafi and his sons had been both emotional and political, but said that what he described as national work would continue. He said organized efforts would be made to reach a new leadership after the repercussions of the killing were overcome.

It remains unclear how Ahmed Gaddaf al-Dam, the political official in the Libyan National Struggle Front and one of the most prominent figures of the former regime, views the future leadership of the September Current following Seif al-Islam’s killing.

Sources close to him told Asharq Al-Awsat it was too early to speak of a new leadership while mourning ceremonies continued in Bani Walid.

Gaddaf al-Dam limited his public response to reposting a statement by those describing themselves as supporters of the Jamahiriya system on his Facebook page. He stressed unity, saying the killing would not lead to the fragmentation of the current and that September supporters remained a single, solid bloc.

In Bani Walid in western Libya, where Seif al-Islam was buried on Friday, shock was evident in the tone of Libyan activist Hamid Gadhafi, a member of the late leader’s tribe. He told Asharq Al-Awsat that clarity over the future leadership would emerge after about 10 days.

Possible successors

Libyan social media pages circulated the names of potential successors, including Seif al-Islam’s sister, Aisha, and his brother, Saadi. Libyan political analyst Ibrahim Belqasem rejected that view, telling Asharq Al-Awsat that the only remaining driver for supporters of the former regime would be the emergence of an unexpected, nonpolitical figure, describing it as an attempt to rescue the current.

After the fall of Gadhafi’s rule in 2011, following 42 years in power since the 1969 revolution, his supporters reemerged under the banner of the September Current. They are popularly known as the Greens, a reference to the Green Book.

Fragmented components and the absence of unified leadership mark the September Current. Seif al-Islam was widely seen as a central symbol among supporters, as well as among political figures and groups calling for the reintegration of former regime supporters into political life and for the recognition of their rights.

Nasser Saeed, spokesman for the Libyan Popular National Movement, one of the political arms of former regime supporters, said he expected a national political leadership to take shape in the coming phase to continue what he described as national work until the country stabilizes. Libyans can determine their future.

He said the emergence of a new leader or symbol was a matter for a later stage, stressing that the project was ideological rather than tied to individuals.

Saeed told Asharq Al-Awsat that Seif al-Islam al-Gadhafi’s legacy lay in a unifying national project that rejected foreign intervention and sought to restore sovereignty and stability. He said Seif al-Islam had represented hope for overcoming the crisis and that his project extended the path of the September Revolution as a liberation choice that still retained supporters.

Structural challenges

Organizationally, the former regime cannot be confined to a single political framework. Its structures and leadership are diverse, including independent organizations and figures.

Among the most prominent are the Libyan Popular National Movement, founded in 2012, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Libya, formed in 2016 by politicians and tribal leaders in support of Seif al-Islam al-Gadhafi.

Their representatives increased their presence after 2020, whether in the Geneva forum that led to the formation of the Government of National Unity or in UN-sponsored structured dialogue tracks, before suspending participation following Seif al-Islam’s killing.

Voices within the September Current believe the killing marked a decisive turning point that cast heavy shadows over the ability of former regime supporters to forge unified leadership, citing structural difficulties rooted in historical disagreements between what is known as the old guard and supporters of change led by Seif al-Islam.

Khaled al-Hijazi, a prominent political activist in the September Current, agreed with that assessment, saying Seif al-Islam’s symbolic role had helped balance internal disputes due to his reformist project before the February 17 uprising.

Al-Hijazi told Asharq Al-Awsat that the loss of that symbolism could revive old divisions and complicate efforts to recreate an inclusive leadership, amid internal and external factors that make unification highly complex in the foreseeable future.

Barka said differences were natural, stressing that the current was not a closed party and believed in democracy and pluralism. He said generational competition did not amount to conflict and noted there had been no violent clashes between supporters of different paths within the September Current.

He concluded by saying that the diversity of approaches served a single goal: the freedom and prosperity of Libyan citizens and the building of a sovereign state capable of overcoming the crisis that has persisted since 2011.

Arab World

Hezbollah Overhaul Gives Qassem Tighter Administrative Control

Wafiq Safa, head of Hezbollah’s Liaison and Coordination Unit, speaks to the media at the site of the killing of Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s secretary-general, in Beirut’s southern suburbs last year (Social media)
Wafiq Safa, head of Hezbollah’s Liaison and Coordination Unit, speaks to the media at the site of the killing of Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s secretary-general, in Beirut’s southern suburbs last year (Social media)
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Hezbollah Overhaul Gives Qassem Tighter Administrative Control

Wafiq Safa, head of Hezbollah’s Liaison and Coordination Unit, speaks to the media at the site of the killing of Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s secretary-general, in Beirut’s southern suburbs last year (Social media)
Wafiq Safa, head of Hezbollah’s Liaison and Coordination Unit, speaks to the media at the site of the killing of Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s secretary-general, in Beirut’s southern suburbs last year (Social media)

The resignation of Wafiq Safa, head of Hezbollah’s Liaison and Coordination Unit, a move that bore the hallmarks of a dismissal, has lifted the lid on a far-reaching internal shake-up of the group’s organizational structure after the heaviest blows it has suffered in its history.

The restructuring follows Hezbollah’s latest war with Israel, which decimated the group’s senior leadership, killing its long-time secretary-general Hassan Nasrallah, his designated successor Hashem Safieddine, a third potential successor Nabil Qaouq, along with much of its military command.

Well-informed Lebanese sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that Safa’s exit marks only the visible edge of bigger changes underway as the group moves to overhaul its leadership, security, and political apparatus in response to the unprecedented damage inflicted by the war.

Previously, that post led the organization without delving into the executive council's responsibilities, which function as a government-like body within the party.

Another key shift is the growing role of political figures in decision-making at the expense of clerics who had dominated the leadership in the previous phase.

New figures have also entered the decision-making circle, including individuals who worked with Qassem in the Islamic Daawa Party and Islamic committees before joining Hezbollah after its founding.

Raad seen as deputy secretary-general

The picture becomes clearer with the entry of Mohammad Raad, head of Hezbollah’s parliamentary bloc Loyalty to the Resistance, into the party’s decision-making core. There is a clear trend toward appointing him deputy secretary-general.

However, the decision is unlikely to be announced before parliamentary elections. MP Hassan Fadlallah is expected to assume leadership of the bloc after the latest elections.

Fneish to lead the party’s executive council

Sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that former minister and MP Mohammad Fneish has taken over responsibility for Hezbollah’s executive council, where he is tasked with reorganizing the party’s administrative and institutional structure. Sheikh Ali Daamoush is handling operational and organizational duties within the council.

Internal organizational measures

Opposition sources familiar with Hezbollah’s internal affairs said Safa was among the first officials affected by internal organizational decisions that curtailed media activity. A directive from the secretary-general’s office barred him from making statements without prior approval from the party’s media relations department.

The same sources said the measures went beyond media restrictions and were accompanied by a noticeable reduction in Safa’s political role, including contacts with political forces and involvement in elections and nominations. According to this account, he has had no public presence in recent months as a political envoy, neither to allies nor rivals.

Redistribution of roles

Sources explained that the unit, previously known in practice as the Security Committee, had handled internal security disputes and field tensions within Hezbollah’s environment or with other parties, intervening directly before coordinating with relevant actors and later with Lebanese state institutions, including security and judicial bodies. It also followed detainee cases and brokered reconciliations.

They added that the unit’s head benefited from growing influence within the party, particularly after being pushed to the forefront in sensitive files such as indirect negotiations and prisoner exchanges, enabling him to build political and international networks, including external channels.

Limiting political authority

Sources tracking the organizational file said the expansion of this role eventually led the unit to exceed its strictly security mandate by performing political functions, including receiving delegations and relaying messages.

They said that after the current leadership took charge, clear instructions were issued to restrict the Liaison and Coordination Unit’s role to security and technical coordination only, barring it from any political, negotiating, or media activity.

According to sources, all political decisions and contacts are now confined to the party’s political leadership, specifically to Secretary-General Naim Qassem, parliamentary bloc head Mohammad Raad, or the secretary-general’s political aide, Hussein Khalil. The security unit’s role is limited to technical coordination with Lebanese security agencies.

Broader structural shifts

Observers link these changes to broader transformations within Hezbollah since Qassem assumed leadership. They note that the previous phase saw prominent roles for clerical figures in the second and third ranks, such as Hashem Safieddine and Nabil Qaouq, who Israel killed in the recent war.

The current scene, by contrast, is marked by the rise of non-clerical political figures, including Mohammad Raad, Mahmoud Qmati, and Ibrahim Mousawi, signaling a gradual shift toward reinforcing the party’s political character.

The sources said media affairs have been centralized under a single administration overseen by MP Ibrahim Mousawi, with direct coordination with the leadership, as part of a policy aimed at unifying messaging and restricting public statements to authorized figures.

War fallout behind Safa’s removal

Political analyst Ali al-Amin told Asharq Al-Awsat that Safa’s sidelining comes amid the fallout from the war and its direct repercussions on Hezbollah, as well as the impact of Iran’s retrenchment and ongoing US-Iran negotiations. He said the party has come to realize that what was possible in the past is no longer sustainable.

Al-Amin said the decision affects a body with both personal and institutional dimensions, noting that Safa is subject to US sanctions, making the move a clear signal that Hezbollah no longer enjoys the same level of control over security bodies amid US pressure and Lebanese state demands to dismantle the apparatus.

He said Hezbollah is trying to adapt to new realities, adding that acceptance of this path will depend on how the party handles implementation of the principle of exclusive state control over weapons.

He noted that recent statements by Mohammad Raad had a tone that could appear positive about weapons exclusivity but fell short of complete clarity. He described the current step as an initial practical measure whose impact will be assessed later, both at the Lebanese official level and by US officials closely following the Lebanese file.

Al-Amin said Hezbollah will continue, whenever possible, to present itself as a political party, even if only superficially, in an effort to project a peaceful, civilian image and show alignment with state institutions.

He added that any progress or disruption in US-Iran negotiations would be reflected in greater flexibility in the party’s domestic behavior, unless a decisive international decision is taken to end Hezbollah’s current status.

In this context, reports have circulated that Hussein Abdallah has been tasked with heading the Liaison and Coordination Unit. Abdallah previously served as Hezbollah’s security chief in southern Lebanon and is considered close to Naim Qassem. Responsibility for contacts with the state and abroad has reportedly been assigned to his deputy, Ahmed Mahna.

Party-aligned account

A source close to Hezbollah offered a different account, telling Asharq Al-Awsat that the measures affecting Safa are part of an organizational restructuring the party has pursued since the end of the war as part of a comprehensive internal review affecting multiple positions and officials.

The source stressed that Safa remains within Hezbollah’s organizational structure.

By contrast, Al-Jadeed television reported that Safa submitted his resignation as head of the Liaison and Coordination Unit with internal approval, citing deep disagreements with Secretary-General Naim Qassem, Shura Council member and parliamentary bloc head Mohammad Raad, and the curtailment of his powers.