Drop in UN Aid Increases Food Insecurity in Yemen

Saudi aid to Yemen through the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center. (KSrelief website)
Saudi aid to Yemen through the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center. (KSrelief website)
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Drop in UN Aid Increases Food Insecurity in Yemen

Saudi aid to Yemen through the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center. (KSrelief website)
Saudi aid to Yemen through the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center. (KSrelief website)

The United Nations warned again of the repercussions of increased food insecurity in Yemen’s liberated areas, as economic experts expressed their concern about new risks after Russia suspended the Black Sea grain deal.

Most of Yemen's governorates are witnessing a significant rise in the prices of food commodities and a deterioration in the local currency.

Mohammed Shamsan, a resident of the al-Maqatirah district in Lahj, passes daily by the UN aid distribution center, hoping to receive a food basket to help him provide essential items for his family.

Shamsan, currently looking for a job, lost the aid provided by international bodies the last time food rations were distributed because he traveled for work to a different area, and his wife, who was sick, could not receive it.

He fears his name has been dropped from the lists of aid beneficiaries.

The World Food Program (WFP) indicated that June food prices in Aden and the liberated governorates increased 26 percent on average.

The Program stated that fuel prices recorded a significant increase in addition to the deterioration of the local currency in the liberated areas.

The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) expected the food security situation will likely deteriorate until early September, just before harvests, in line with seasonality, expected increases in food prices, limited access to income/reduced purchasing power, impacts of recent floods, reduced humanitarian food assistance, and continued conflict in front-line districts.

The FAO report stated that the lingering impact of the war in Ukraine would likely aggravate the food insecurity situation further because of expected severe wheat flour shortages and skyrocketing bread prices in response to reduced import flows following Russia's withdrawal from the Black Sea Grain Initiative.

- Decline in aid

The WFP announced at the beginning of this month that it would reduce food aid in Yemen by 35 percent, warning that six million people are in the emergency phase of food insecurity.

A few days earlier, the Program announced its humanitarian operations are getting a significant boost with a $2.68 million contribution from the Australian government to support some of the most affected families.

The residents of the liberated governorates are experiencing a new wave of high prices of various basic commodities due to the financial crisis that affected the local markets.

The Yemeni government indicated that basic commodities are available in the country, but residents of several governorates expressed their inability to provide daily and basic needs.

Adviser to Yemen's Ministry of Local Administration, Jamal Balfakih, confirmed that the situation in Yemen is worsening due to the ongoing war and lack of funding.

Balfakih explained to Asharq Al-Awsat that the drop in funding depends on several factors, such as the rise in global need considering recent wars and developments and lack of transparency.

He indicated that the 35 percent reduction and an increase in the operating budget of the organizations, climate change, and high gas prices in Europe would be reflected in a painful economic regression on Yemenis who were supposed to receive aid during the past two years for development in the country.

Balfakih, also the general coordinator of the Higher Relief Committee, confirmed that the government had previously warned of a food crisis, and aid was supposed to be directed during the past two years to agriculture and fish to help alleviate the suffering of Yemenis.

He noted that this will be reflected in increasing societal suffering, especially considering the deteriorating economic situation, and will have painful repercussions on Yemenis.

- Reliance on the Alliance and expatriates

Balfakih said the authorities relied on the Saudi-led coalition to support legitimacy to help Yemen in such crises.

He appealed to Yemeni businessmen and merchants to contribute through their charitable institutions to support the poorest Yemenis and alleviate their suffering in such tragic situations.

Economic researcher Abdul Wahed al-Obali downplayed the impact of reducing the funding of the WFP and other international organizations.

He explained that this is not the first time spending has been cut due to low financing, noting that the basis of benefiting from this aid is minimal for the Yemenis.

Obali indicated that the salaries of the WFP employees would be affected by the funding drop, noting that the Yemenis are the ones who suffer from the increasing rise in the prices of commodities and basic materials.

He explained that Russia's withdrawal from the Black Sea grain agreement would aggravate the crisis and cause a rise in wheat prices, borne by the Yemenis and their expatriate families abroad.

The expert stressed that the expatriates are the real and only supporters of the national economy due to their remittances, which reduce the humanitarian crisis for many Yemenis.

Saudi Arabia is at the forefront of the countries that host Yemeni expatriates, as their number reaches approximately 1.3 million.



Desperate Gazans Pull Iron Bars from Rubble to Construct Tents and Scratch Out a Living

A Palestinian worker breaks concrete to extract steel bars from destroyed homes, using only simple hand tools amid a severe shortage of construction materials caused by long-standing restrictions on the entry of cement and iron, in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, December 9, 2025. REUTERS/Haseeb Alwazeer
A Palestinian worker breaks concrete to extract steel bars from destroyed homes, using only simple hand tools amid a severe shortage of construction materials caused by long-standing restrictions on the entry of cement and iron, in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, December 9, 2025. REUTERS/Haseeb Alwazeer
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Desperate Gazans Pull Iron Bars from Rubble to Construct Tents and Scratch Out a Living

A Palestinian worker breaks concrete to extract steel bars from destroyed homes, using only simple hand tools amid a severe shortage of construction materials caused by long-standing restrictions on the entry of cement and iron, in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, December 9, 2025. REUTERS/Haseeb Alwazeer
A Palestinian worker breaks concrete to extract steel bars from destroyed homes, using only simple hand tools amid a severe shortage of construction materials caused by long-standing restrictions on the entry of cement and iron, in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, December 9, 2025. REUTERS/Haseeb Alwazeer

As winter bites in Gaza, displaced Palestinians set out every day to homes destroyed by Israel. There they rip out iron rods from the walls and use them to prop up their flimsy tents or sell to scratch out a living in an enclave that will take years to recover from war.

The rods have become a hot item in Gaza, where they are twisted up in the wreckage left by an Israeli military campaign that spared few homes. Some residents spend days pounding away at thick cement to extract them, others do the back-breaking work for a week or more, Reuters.

With only rudimentary tools such as shovels, pickaxes and hammers, work proceeds at a snail's pace.

UN SAYS WAR GENERATED 61 MILLION TONS OF RUBBLE

Once the bars helped hold up cement walls in family homes, today they are destined for urgently-needed tents as temperatures at night fall. Heavy rainstorms have already submerged many Gazans' meagre belongings, adding to their misery.

Palestinian father-of-six Wael al-Jabra, 53, was putting together a makeshift tent, trying to hammer together two steel bars.

"I don’t have money to buy wood, of course. So, I had to extract this iron from the house. The house is made of five floors. We don’t have anything apart from God and this house that was sheltering us," he said.

In November, the UN Development Program said that the war in Gaza had generated 61 million tons of rubble, citing estimates based on satellite imagery.

Most of it can be cleared within seven years under the right conditions, it said.

A ROD CAN COST $15

A 10-meter metal rod costs displaced families $15 - a steep amount because many barely have cash.

The Palestinian group Hamas triggered the conflict after attacking Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, killing 1,200 people and taking 251 back to Gaza as hostages, according to Israeli calculations. Israel responded with a military campaign that killed over 70,000 people and laid waste to Gaza.

Carrying heavy buckets of rubble and pushing a wheelbarrow, Suleiman al-Arja, 19, described a typical day in the quest for iron rods.

"We pass by destroyed houses and agree with the house owner. He gives us a choice, whether to clean the house (clear the rubble) in exchange for iron or clean the house for money. We tell him that we want the iron and we start breaking the iron. As you can see, we spend a week, sometimes a week and a half," he said.

FOCUS IS ON DAILY STRUGGLE TO LIVE

US President Donald Trump promised to put together an international stabilization force and an economic development plan to rebuild and energize Gaza, which was impoverished even before the war. Palestinians in Gaza can't look so far ahead even though a ceasefire was reached in October. Every day is a struggle for Palestinians who have seen peace plans come and go over many decades.

Their minds are focused on finding ways to survive, every single day.

"We do this work to get our food and drink, to cover our living expenses and not need anyone, so we earn a living through halal (legitimate) means and effort. These are my hands," said Haitham Arbiea, 29.

Palestinians accuse Israel of depriving Gaza of the iron bars.

An Israeli official told Reuters that construction materials are considered dual use items - items for civilian but also potential military use - and will not be allowed into Gaza until the second phase of the US-led peace plan. The official cited concerns that the materials could be used for the building of tunnels, which have been used by Hamas.


Washington’s Opening Toward Damascus Clashes with Israel’s Ground Strategy

A meeting between Trump and Netanyahu at the White House, July 2025 (AFP). 
A meeting between Trump and Netanyahu at the White House, July 2025 (AFP). 
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Washington’s Opening Toward Damascus Clashes with Israel’s Ground Strategy

A meeting between Trump and Netanyahu at the White House, July 2025 (AFP). 
A meeting between Trump and Netanyahu at the White House, July 2025 (AFP). 

Washington’s recent openness toward Damascus is increasingly colliding with Israel’s assertive on-the-ground approach, highlighting a widening rift between the two traditional allies over the future of Syria following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime.

The United States now appears to be pushing for expanded security cooperation with the new Syrian government led by President Ahmed al-Sharaa, aiming to confront shared security threats and stabilize the country.

At a conference convened to assess the new phase in Syria, Admiral Brad Cooper, commander of US Central Command (CENTCOM), placed future cooperation with Damascus at the center of discussions about US policy toward “post-Assad Syria.”

Cooper stressed that Washington is working “increasingly” with the Syrian army to counter common security threats, asserting that integrating the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) into the national army would enhance internal stability, improve border control, and strengthen Syria’s ability to pursue Daesh.

Cooper added that since last October, US forces have provided advice, assistance, and enablement to Syrian authorities in more than twenty operations against Daesh and in thwarting weapons shipments bound for Hezbollah, noting that such gains are only possible through close coordination with Syrian government forces.

This American trajectory, however, now overlaps with an expanding disagreement between Washington and Tel Aviv over the contours of a “new Syria,” according to the Wall Street Journal. The paper reported an unusually sharp divergence between the two allies over Syria’s future one year after Assad’s fall, as President Donald Trump pushes a more open approach toward Damascus with Saudi and Turkish backing.

Trump has lifted sanctions on al-Sharaa, praising him as a “young, attractive, tough guy" with a “real shot at doing a good job", which signaled Washington’s readiness for a major policy shift.

In contrast, Israel quickly moved after the regime’s collapse to establish a military presence in southern Syria, taking control of an estimated 250 square kilometers.

The area became a launchpad for an expanded Israeli security posture that has included arrests, weapons seizures, airstrikes deep inside Syrian territory, and even a strike on the military command headquarters in Damascus, actions justified as protection of the Druze community.

The WSJ attributes this assertive field strategy to a shift in Israel’s security mindset after the Oct. 7, 2023 attacks, noting that Israeli decision-makers now believe any security concession could open a dangerous breach.

Former Israeli national security adviser Yaakov Amidror remarked that making decisions from Washington is far easier than making them from the Golan Heights, reflecting Israel’s preference to secure its interests unilaterally.

While the US administration works to broker security negotiations between Damascus and Tel Aviv - parallel to de-escalation efforts in Gaza and Ukraine - Trump is urging Israel to engage in a “strong, honest dialogue” with Syria. Yet these efforts face obstacles, chief among them al-Sharaa’s rejection of Israel’s proposal for a demilitarized zone stretching from southern Damascus to the border, which he argues would create a dangerous security vacuum.

Within Israel, influential voices warn against overreliance on force, fearing conflict with Washington’s desire to rehabilitate the new Syrian state and potentially integrate it into the Abraham Accords framework.

Some Israeli experts propose allowing Syrian army deployment near the border while banning heavy weapons and Turkish forces, shifting from displaying military power to building diplomatic power. Diplomats predict any future agreement may resemble the 1974 disengagement framework, albeit updated for current realities.

The Wall Street Journal concluded that the US–Israeli dispute over Syria is no passing episode but a test of the resilience of their longstanding alliance amid a reshaped regional landscape.

“The new Syria” has become an open arena for redefining Middle Eastern power balances, as Washington attempts to merge counterterrorism efforts with rebuilding the Syrian state and crafting a new security formula between Damascus and Tel Aviv.

 

 


Lebanese Foreign Minister Declines Invitation to Tehran, Proposes Meeting in Neutral Country

Lebanese Foreign Minister Youssef Raji receives his Iranian counterpart Abbas Araghchi in Beirut in June 2025 (File – IRNA)
Lebanese Foreign Minister Youssef Raji receives his Iranian counterpart Abbas Araghchi in Beirut in June 2025 (File – IRNA)
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Lebanese Foreign Minister Declines Invitation to Tehran, Proposes Meeting in Neutral Country

Lebanese Foreign Minister Youssef Raji receives his Iranian counterpart Abbas Araghchi in Beirut in June 2025 (File – IRNA)
Lebanese Foreign Minister Youssef Raji receives his Iranian counterpart Abbas Araghchi in Beirut in June 2025 (File – IRNA)

Lebanese Foreign Minister Youssef Raji has declined an invitation from his Iranian counterpart Abbas Araghchi to visit Tehran, proposing instead that the two meet in a mutually agreed-upon neutral country.

In a post on X on Wednesday, Raji said he was “unable to accept” the invitation at this time, citing unspecified “current circumstances.”

He stressed that his reply “does not mean rejecting dialogue,” rather “the proper atmosphere is not appropriate.”

He added that any renewed engagement with Iran must rest on clear principles, including respect for Lebanon’s sovereignty, non-interference in its internal affairs, and adherence to international norms governing state-to-state relations.

Araghchi had recently invited Raji to Tehran for talks on bilateral relations.

Official Lebanese sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the invitation was sent personally to the minister, not to the Lebanese state, and that Raji’s response “expresses his own position.”

Lebanon and Iran continue diplomatic engagement despite Beirut’s repeated warnings - conveyed directly to visiting Iranian officials - that Lebanon rejects any foreign meddling in its internal affairs.

Tensions between Raji and Tehran were visible during the August visit of Ali Larijani, secretary-general of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council.

Larijani said he lacked the time to meet Raji; the minister replied: “Even if I had the time, I would not have met him.”

Former Lebanese foreign minister Fares Boueiz said Raji’s latest stance is a clear diplomatic message that relations between Beirut and Tehran are “incomplete.”

When differences arise, Boueiz noted, first meetings are often held in a third country to establish a framework for resolving disputes.

Boueiz added that a foreign minister rarely deviates from the official position of the state. He argued that Raji’s move reflects the views of President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, and implicitly signal that Iran should halt its support for a particular Lebanese faction and stop its interference.

Lebanon has repeatedly accused Iran of meddling in its internal affairs. During his meeting with Larijani in August, Aoun reiterated that no group in Lebanon may carry weapons or rely on external backing.

While open to cooperation with Iran, Lebanon insists such engagement remains within the limits of sovereignty and mutual respect.

Boueiz recalled that Lebanese-Iranian diplomatic relations stabilized after 1990, when he restored protocol-based engagement in line with the Vienna Convention. During the civil war, Iranian delegations routinely entered Lebanon via Syria without coordinating with the Lebanese government and met directly with Hezbollah.

After Boueiz confronted Tehran’s ambassador in 1990, then-foreign minister Ali Akbar Velayati agreed to normalize diplomatic procedures, leading to formal exchanges and signed agreements.

Some Lebanese observers view Raji’s stance as evidence of diminishing Iranian influence in Lebanon, long bolstered by Tehran’s support for Hezbollah.

Boueiz, however, argues that Iran’s role is closely tied to its evolving relationship with Washington. US-Iran dynamics, including ongoing discussions over sanctions relief and frozen assets, inevitably ripple into Lebanon: “Whenever US-Iran negotiations worsen, tensions rise in Lebanon; when talks calm down, Lebanon feels the relief.”