Lahoud: Boueiz Ordered that Resistance Be Struck... I Am Not One of Syria’s Men in Lebanon 

Then Lebanese President Lahoud (L) meets with former minister Boueiz at the presidential palace. (Boueiz’s photo archive)
Then Lebanese President Lahoud (L) meets with former minister Boueiz at the presidential palace. (Boueiz’s photo archive)
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Lahoud: Boueiz Ordered that Resistance Be Struck... I Am Not One of Syria’s Men in Lebanon 

Then Lebanese President Lahoud (L) meets with former minister Boueiz at the presidential palace. (Boueiz’s photo archive)
Then Lebanese President Lahoud (L) meets with former minister Boueiz at the presidential palace. (Boueiz’s photo archive)

Lebanese Former President Emile Lahoud launched on Thursday a scathing attack agaisnt former Foreign Minister Fares Boueiz in wake of the revelations he made in a five-part interview he made with Asharq Al-Awsat.

He described Boueiz as a “spiteful minister” and rejected his claims that he was one of “Syria’s men in Lebanon”, instead stressing that he was its “strategic ally.”

“We respect various political views, but we must address some discrepancies in Boueiz’s remarks,” he stated.

Commenting on the dispute over sending the Lebanese army to the South after the Israeli attack in 1993, Lahoud revealed that Boueiz had suggested that the military be dispatched to prevent the “resistance” from retaliating against Israel.

Lahoud, who was then army commander, rejected the proposal.

“This was the first time that the army would have responded to such an attack and at our orders. Instead of allowing the government to play its role, the Higher Defense Council convened, with Boueiz present, to request that the military be deployed to the South to prevent the resistance from retaliating,” he went on to say.

Boueiz implied that this request was made at then Prime Minister Rafik Hariri’s suggestion, in coordination with then Syrian Vice President Abdul Halim Khaddam and other Syrian officials.

“This was the first time that the ‘army, people and army’ equation was being consolidated,” added Lahoud. “Boueiz seemed to have forgotten, or deliberately overlooked the fact that he had contacted me and asked that the army be deployed to the South and that we shell whom he described as ‘terrorists.’”

Lahoud asked him at whose authority he was making such suggestions, the president or the defense minister? “Boueiz then became flustered and directly told me: ‘This is what Lebanon and Syria want.’ I replied that carrying out such a decision demands a meeting by the government so that it can sack me and appoint another army commander.”

“It turned out that the conspiring was not limited to Lebanon, but had kicked off in Syria, through Khaddam and Syrian security officials. When late Syrian President Hafez al-Assad learned of this, I paid my first visit to Damascus,” he recalled.

“He asked me his historic question: ‘Why didn’t you carry out a Lebanese order when you also knew that it was Syrian?’ I simply replied: ‘I was born to a family that rejects oppression and stands by the people in defending their rights, regardless of their sect or affiliations.’”

“There is no doubt that this meeting laid the foundation of the strategic relations I had with Assad. It was my sole visit in years, while Boueiz visited Syria over 30 times. He probably became distracted in appeasing the Syrians, neglecting his duties towards his nation,” Lahoud remarked.

Hariri’s assassination underscored that “Syria was right to choose us as a strategic ally,” he continued.

He explained that after the assassination, “officials with a political history like Boueiz’s were quick to jump to another political camp.”

“Boueiz himself revealed this when he detailed how he had headed in the same vehicle with former MP Walid Jumblatt to meet anti-Syria Lebanese figures, who viewed the assassination as the appropriate time to launch a coup against me,” Lahoud said.

Jumblatt had named Boueiz as a suitable successor because he was accepted by then head of Syrian intelligence in Lebanon Rustom Ghazale and what would later become the anti-Syria March 14 camp.

Boueiz had told Asharq Al-Awsat that Jumblatt suggested to him that the angry crowds that had gathered after Hariri’s assassination be directed to protest in front of the presidential palace to demand the ouster of Lahoud, who was seen as responsible for the security apparatus in Lebanon.

Jumblatt had reportedly informed Boueiz that he had received the approval over his presidential candidacy from Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah and the Syrian leadership.

“They won’t remove Lahoud from power, but they wouldn’t mind if he were to be ousted by the protests,” Boueiz told Asharq Al-Awsat. The condition was that the new president would not be at odds with any party and Boueiz appeared to fit the role.

Another discrepancy noted by the former president in Boueiz’s interview is related to how he was named minister during Lahoud’s time in office.

He revealed that his appointment came at the request of late President Elias Hrawi, Boueiz’s father-in-law, “who confided in me that this issue was causing him a problem with his wife and daughter.”

Hrawi essentially asked that Boueiz be named a minister at his personal request.

“I agreed even though my relationship with Hrawi was never good. I gave my approval and contacted Hariri, who rejected it. He said that he had no need for Boueiz, whom he said: ‘Hates me.’ I told him that I had given my word to Hrawi and intended to keep it.”

“Boueiz asked to be re-appointed foreign minister, but I turned him down and he ended up being named environment minister. When Boueiz asked me about this, I told him to talk to Hrawi, who knew the whole truth,” Lahoud said.

On his ties to Syria, Lahoud said: “They were always strategic. I had a few meetings there when I was army commander and later president. But we did meet when it came to the strategic vision and common interest without need for coordination and of this we are proud.”

“Moreover, we are proud of the technical approach - to use Boueiz’s words - I adopted when I was army commander. If it weren’t for this approach, the military institution would not have been unified,” after the civil war, he explained.

“We rebuilt the army in spite of attempts by several politicians, including Boueiz, to politicize military appointments and drag the army into political affairs,” he stressed.

Another point criticized by Lahoud was Boueiz’s “insistence” on describing him as one of “Syria’s men in Lebanon.”

“We declare that we are and have always been strategic allies to Syria and we are proud of that. Boueiz’s relations with Syria were based on personal interest, such as when he contacted Ghazi Kanaan to cut off electricity in Keserwan so that he would win against Henri Sfeir in the parliamentary elections,” he recalled.

“A lot of statements were made in the interview with former minister Boueiz,” said Lahoud. “We will make do with this reply because the Lebanese people’s concerns are elsewhere, and they don’t care about the sensational tales of a spiteful former minister who believes I had deprived him of a position he was promised.”



Washington Tightens Conditions on Lebanese Army, Unconditional Aid Ends

Passersby near the United States Capitol (Reuters)
Passersby near the United States Capitol (Reuters)
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Washington Tightens Conditions on Lebanese Army, Unconditional Aid Ends

Passersby near the United States Capitol (Reuters)
Passersby near the United States Capitol (Reuters)

As US-brokered direct talks between Lebanon and Israel unfold in Washington, Congress is stepping up pressure of a different kind, pushing the Lebanese army to act on pledges to disarm Hezbollah or face a freeze in annual US military aid.

Senior congressional sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that Republicans have “grown tired of hearing promises from the Lebanese army to disarm Hezbollah without seeing real effort on the ground.”

The sources, who spoke on condition of anonymity due to ongoing internal deliberations, said “the time has come for serious action,” adding that the army must prove its credibility.

They noted that funding approved by Congress comes from US taxpayers, stressing that amid heightened scrutiny of public spending under President Donald Trump, lawmakers want to ensure “every dollar is spent for a meaningful purpose.”

Pressure builds

The message is echoed by key Senate Republicans.

Senator Roger Wicker, the chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, issued a public call to halt US support to the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) unless they act to “completely” and “immediately” disarm Hezbollah.

Wicker made the statement on X after a French service member was killed in southern Lebanon. France has accused Hezbollah of killing the peacekeeper.

“Hezbollah’s killing of a French service member in southern Lebanon, only days after Israel agreed to a ceasefire, is a critical test for the Lebanese Armed Forces. Congress should not support the LAF unless it acts to disarm Hezbollah completely — and immediately,” Wicker wrote on X.

On Tuesday, Senator Jim Risch, who heads the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, made a similar call.

Risch said he agreed with Wicker, adding it was “well past time for the LAF to take tangible action to fully disarm Hezbollah and for the Lebanese government to follow through on long-promised economic reform.”

Risch said “the era of complacency and unconditional bailouts must come to an end.”

Commander under fire

In Washington, doubts are growing over Lebanese army commander Rodolphe Haykal.

Most US officials have avoided publicly calling for his removal, but Republican Senator Lindsey Graham did not. He said this week he does not trust the army to disarm Hezbollah and that Haykal should be replaced before there can be a credible plan.

Graham added that no peace deal in Lebanon will happen without a “credible path” to disarm the group.

Tensions surfaced during Haykal’s February visit to Washington, when Graham cut short a meeting after the Lebanese commander declined to label Hezbollah a terrorist organization, saying it was not so in the context of Lebanon.

"As long as this attitude persists within the Lebanese Armed Forces, I don't think we have a reliable partner in them," Graham said, echoing sentiment circulating in Congress, where lawmakers say disarming Hezbollah is the priority.

Talks seen as positive

Despite warnings about the lack of alternatives to the Lebanese army, congressional sources said aid cannot continue to be sent “blindly,” calling for strict conditions.

Lawmakers are closely watching the US-backed talks between Lebanon and Israel, describing the track as “positive” and strongly supporting the White House effort.

They acknowledge the complexity of the Lebanese file but say past approaches have failed, calling for a shift in strategy.

Wider US role

The US president’s move to return Lebanon to Washington’s strategic agenda, alongside a pledge to “make Lebanon great again,” includes tasking Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Vice President JD Vance, and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Dan Caine with working alongside Israel and Lebanon toward “sustainable peace.”

The inclusion of Caine suggests a more active US military role.

Former US ambassador to Lebanon David Hale said one lesson Washington drew from last year is that the role of US Central Command in the monitoring group was limited, with forces confined to observation.

Speaking at a Middle East Institute event in Washington attended by Asharq Al-Awsat, he said the United States needs to go beyond monitoring, while stressing this does not mean imposing Lebanese sovereignty.

Hale noted that the Lebanese army must remain the implementing force, but Washington can be more engaged, not only through equipment and aid, but also by providing advice and more active intelligence support.

He said strong person-to-person ties between the US and Lebanese militaries could help build confidence and motivation among Lebanese personnel to carry out their duties.

Reform, sanctions in focus

Economic reform is also high on the agenda.

Congressional sources said failure to advance banking reforms creates “a major loophole” that allows Hezbollah to maintain its influence.

“We are in a vicious cycle. If Lebanon’s political class is not prepared to turn words into action, why should we continue to bail it out?” the sources said.

They added that lawmakers are watching Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, warning that sanctions against reform obstructers remain possible.

Aid under review

As Congress sets defense spending priorities, some lawmakers are moving to translate their stance into amendments to final bills.

Since 2006, the United States has provided more than $2.5 billion in military aid to Lebanon to bolster border security, counterterrorism, and the army as a state institution.

Under Trump’s second administration, more than $117 million announced in January 2025 is aimed at helping the army maintain the ceasefire with Israel and implement UN Security Council Resolution 1701.

In October 2025, Washington approved $230 million in security assistance, including $190 million for the army and $40 million for internal security forces, following a separate $14.2 million package announced in September to boost the army’s ability to dismantle weapons stockpiles and infrastructure of non-state actors, including Iran-backed Hezbollah.


Israeli Fire Kills Five in Gaza and the West Bank, Medics Say

 Election campaign banners showing candidates for the upcoming municipal elections hang on a building in Deir el-Balah in the central Gaza Strip on April 21, 2026.  (Photo by Eyad Baba / AFP)
Election campaign banners showing candidates for the upcoming municipal elections hang on a building in Deir el-Balah in the central Gaza Strip on April 21, 2026. (Photo by Eyad Baba / AFP)
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Israeli Fire Kills Five in Gaza and the West Bank, Medics Say

 Election campaign banners showing candidates for the upcoming municipal elections hang on a building in Deir el-Balah in the central Gaza Strip on April 21, 2026.  (Photo by Eyad Baba / AFP)
Election campaign banners showing candidates for the upcoming municipal elections hang on a building in Deir el-Balah in the central Gaza Strip on April 21, 2026. (Photo by Eyad Baba / AFP)

Israeli airstrikes killed at least four Palestinians in Gaza on Thursday, while soldiers shot and killed a 15-year-old child during an army raid in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, Palestinian health officials said.

One person was killed in a strike in southern Gaza's Khan Younis in which several others were wounded, local medics said. Israel's military said it had targeted militants transporting munitions, who it said had posed a threat to Israeli soldiers, Reuters reported.

Three others, including a rescue worker, were killed in a separate strike in Maghazi, a Palestinian refugee camp in the Deir al Balah area in central Gaza, health officials said. Israel's military had no immediate comment on that strike.

Israel has carried out repeated strikes on Gaza since a US-brokered ceasefire came into effect in October. Both Israel and Hamas have accused each other of ceasefire violations.

There is no mechanism for enforcing the ceasefire. Four Israeli soldiers and more than 780 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza since the ceasefire started.

At Gaza City's Al Shifa Hospital, the territory's largest medical facility, relatives stood among mourners gathered to bury five people, including three children, who were killed on Wednesday in an Israeli airstrike on a northern Gaza town.

"There is no ceasefire, no truce, nothing at all," said Mohammed Baalousha, a relative of one of the victims. "There is no safety in any area."

Israel's military has not commented on the strike.

WEST BANK VIOLENCE

In the West Bank city of Nablus, health officials said Israeli forces shot and killed a teenager during an ongoing raid in the city.

The health ministry said Israeli settlers shot and killed a 25-year-old Palestinian man in Deir Dibwan town near Ramallah a day ago, in the latest in what human rights groups have described as a surge in violence against Palestinians waged by Israeli settlers and soldiers.

The Israeli military did not immediately comment on either incident. The Palestinian health ministry said at least 15 people had been killed by Israeli settlers' attacks so far this year.


Disputes Over Quotas Stall Iraq Government Talks

A handout image released by the Iraqi Parliament Media Office on April 11, 2026, shows Iraqi members of parliament attending a session to elect a new president, in Baghdad. (Photo by IRAQ PARLIAMENT MEDIA OFFICE / AFP)
A handout image released by the Iraqi Parliament Media Office on April 11, 2026, shows Iraqi members of parliament attending a session to elect a new president, in Baghdad. (Photo by IRAQ PARLIAMENT MEDIA OFFICE / AFP)
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Disputes Over Quotas Stall Iraq Government Talks

A handout image released by the Iraqi Parliament Media Office on April 11, 2026, shows Iraqi members of parliament attending a session to elect a new president, in Baghdad. (Photo by IRAQ PARLIAMENT MEDIA OFFICE / AFP)
A handout image released by the Iraqi Parliament Media Office on April 11, 2026, shows Iraqi members of parliament attending a session to elect a new president, in Baghdad. (Photo by IRAQ PARLIAMENT MEDIA OFFICE / AFP)

Rivalries within Iraq’s Shiite Coordination Framework have led to a political deadlock over naming a new prime minister, as internal disagreements persist over both the selection mechanism and the division of ministerial posts among the bloc’s factions.

According to sources, a meeting of Coordination Framework leaders - postponed several times in recent days - will focus on finding a solution that reconciles two approaches: one based on the “electoral weight” of member blocs, and the other on “political consensus” to choose a compromise candidate acceptable to all parties.

The bloc has failed to agree on a nominee during two previous meetings after votes between two leading candidates ended in a tie, deepening divisions and delaying a decision. The upcoming session is seen as potentially decisive, though another postponement remains possible if differences persist.

An Iraqi political source said a decision on the prime minister could come within hours as the constitutional deadline approaches.

“I expect the matter to be settled one way or another, because next Saturday marks the final deadline, and continued delay is already having a negative impact even among their own base,” the source said.

The source added that if the alliance adopts the criterion of electoral weight, Ihsan al-Awadi, the candidate backed by Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, would have the strongest chances. However, if the decision remains confined to the bloc’s leadership, the contest would stay within a pool of 12 votes, with the balance possibly tipping in favor of Bassem al-Badri.

The dispute extends beyond the selection mechanism to include internal bargaining over the distribution of ministries and sovereign portfolios. Some factions have tied their support for any candidate to the size of their share in the next government, further complicating negotiations.

Two prominent candidates have emerged with nearly equal backing within the Coordination Framework, resulting in a deadlock and reviving the option of a compromise candidate if neither consensus nor a majority decision can be reached.

The Coordination Framework, formed after the most recent elections, includes several major Shiite forces, among them alliances led by former prime ministers Nouri al-Maliki and Haider al-Abadi, as well as the bloc of current Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, who is heading a caretaker government. Political pressure is mounting as the constitutional deadline nears for the president to designate a new prime minister.

The election of President Nizar Amidi has triggered the formal government formation process, with a constitutional deadline set to expire on April 26, placing political forces under pressure to avoid a return to prolonged deadlock.

With complications persisting, there are many scenarios, including a last-minute agreement, further delay, or a shift toward a compromise candidate. The standoff underscores fragile cohesion within the Shiite camp and a widening gap between electoral calculations and the demands of political consensus.